In the final pages of the 鈥楪eneral Summary鈥 that concludes听Some Account of Gothic Architecture in Spain, the British scholar and architect, George Edmund Street, remarked on the combination of imitation and invention that characterises so much medieval architecture across Europe, Spain included:
Just as we obtained a French architect for our Canterbury, as the people of Milan obtained one from Germany for their cathedral, as the architect of S. Mark at Venice borrowed from the East, as he of Perigueux from S. Mark, as he of Cologne from Amiens or Beauvais, so Spain profited, no doubt, from time to time, by the example of her French neighbours. But at the same time she formed a true branch of art for herself, and one so vigorous, so noble, and so worthy of study, that I shall be disappointed indeed if her buildings are not ere long far more familiar than they now are to English Ecclesiologists.[1]
Street would indeed be disappointed, for there has been no major scholarly survey of Spanish Gothic architecture in English since听Some Account听was published in 1865.[2]听Gothic Architecture in Spain: Invention and Imitation鈥攖he fruit of a workshop, symposium and three lectures held at 91制片厂 from 2015 to 2017鈥攊s in no sense intended to be a substitute for Street鈥檚 magnificent study. But it is hoped that for Anglophone scholars and students鈥攁nd indeed those working in any language鈥攖his essay collection may draw attention to the quality and vitality of recent scholarship on Gothic architecture in Spain, and encourage further research on the tremendous variety and interest of Gothic buildings in the Iberian Peninsula. In this Introduction I will briefly set out some of the key themes of the essay collection, exploring the architectural and rhetorical significance of invention and imitation, and then unpicking some of the issues raised by the idea of 鈥楪othic architecture in Spain鈥. I conclude with a sketch of some of the early historiography of Gothic architecture in Spain (especially in the English-speaking world), followed by short summaries of individual essays. Extensive bibliographic references in the notes will, I hope, provide useful orientation for those new to this field.
Invention and Imitation
In modern English, invention and imitation stand at opposite poles of creativity. For the Oxford English Dictionary, to imitate is to 鈥榯ake or follow as a model鈥; to invent is to 鈥榗reate or design something (something that has not existed before); be the originator of鈥. But in Latin rhetorical theory and throughout most of the Middle Ages,听imitatio听and听inventio听were much closer in meaning, albeit rarely applied to architecture before the sixteenth century.[3]听For Cicero and his many medieval followers, invention meant 鈥榝inding鈥, or the selective gathering up of ideas: 鈥業f we reconsider the origin of the word, what else does it sound like if not that 鈥渢o invent鈥 (invenire) is to 鈥渃ome upon鈥 (in听+听venire) that which is sought for?鈥 asks St Isidore.[4]听Imitatio, meanwhile, was a creative act, referring to the adaptation of well-chosen models, and a pre-condition for听inventio.[5]听As Jos茅 Antonio Maravall brilliantly demonstrated, this definition of听inventio听and celebration of听imitatio听in no sense imply that modernity or novelty were not prized in medieval and Renaissance Spain, but in architectural contexts terms such as听ars,听ingenium听and听opus听approximate more closely to the modern sense of invention.[6]听To speak of imitation, meanwhile, is to recognise the agency of patrons and artists, who were very far from being the passive recipients of the 鈥榠nfluence鈥欌擣rench, German, Flemish, Italian, Byzantine, Jewish, Islamic or other鈥攖hat has so often been discerned in Spain鈥檚 鈥榓luvial鈥 art.[7]听In their medieval senses,听imitatio听and听inventio听instead combine to produce something rather similar to Richard Krautheimer鈥檚 famously fluid definition of the medieval copy.[8]听The essays in this collection consider ideas of听inventio听and听imitatio听as well as invention and imitation in their modern senses.
One way to identify invention and imitation in relation to Gothic architecture in Spain is to consider structures that were intended or said to be built 鈥榓d modum et formam鈥 as another.[9]听This formula and its variations were widely and loosely employed, but in a Spanish context it is used especially tellingly in two letters sent by James II of Aragon regarding the tomb he intended to share with his late wife, Blanche of France, in the Cistercian Abbey of Santes Creus near Tarragona. Dated 16 January 1313, the near-identical letters to Pere, abbot of Santes Creus, and Pere de Prenafeta, the mason in charge of the tomb, insist that the canopy of Blanche鈥檚 tomb be made 鈥榦f the same mode and form and measurements according to which the canopy of the tomb of the aforesaid king Peter, our father, is made and constructed鈥.[10]听As built, the canopy over Blanche鈥檚 tomb is indeed generally similar to that beneath which James鈥檚 father, Peter III of Aragon, had been buried in 1302 (Figs. 1.1 and 1.2).[11]听Deliberate similarity was a feature of several dynastic pantheons in thirteenth-century Europe and in this case was particularly desirable as James was Peter鈥檚 second son, long absent in Sicily. But there are also differences between the canopies: Blanche and James鈥檚 is taller, it has generous sprays rather than nobbly capitals, and the tracery motifs are sharpened and owe more to the new work at Saint-Nazaire de Carcassonne than to the structures in Troyes or Toulouse with which the tracery of Peter鈥檚 tomb-canopy is most closely affiliated.[12]听It is clear then that James鈥檚 prescriptions left space for discreet听inventio听on the part of his masons, and a subtle critique and updating of the style and forms of Peter鈥檚 tomb.
Peter鈥檚 and Blanche鈥檚 tombs, located within a few metres of one another in the same church, could be easily compared by King James, his masons and others. The same applies for the chapel of sent Joan Batiste (Saint John the Baptist) in Valencia Cathedral, begun in 1414, and its recorded model, the chapel of Santa Anna in the same cathedral.[13]听But as Krautheimer showed, numbers and measurements could be transmitted across much greater distances with relative ease, enabling a form of numerical听imitatio.[14]听Spanish medieval examples of this phenomenon include 迟丑别听Codex Calixtinus鈥s听record of dimensions and enumeration of architectural elements in the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela; the early fourteenth-century annotations to 迟丑别听Anales toledanos听(III), giving measurements of several Roman churches and monuments; the recreation of Jerusalem鈥檚 topography just outside C贸rdoba, coordinated by the Dominican friar, 脕lvaro de C贸rdoba (d. 1430), with distances between chapels very close to those in Jerusalem; or the 鈥楻ecord of the sizes of the church and offices of Toledo, Seville and Le贸n cathedrals鈥, collected in Segovia in the sixteenth century.[15]
Other features were not so readily imitated from afar, and their transmission depended on memory, verbal or written descriptions, or drawings. Evidence for the latter can be found in documents related to Bernat Dalguaire鈥檚 journey to Avignon in 1346, made shortly after he was hired to begin construction on Tortosa鈥檚 new Gothic cathedral. Along the way he made several drawings, and on his return spent seven days preparing a new project to show to the bishop and chapter, working with planks, nails and three assistants on what may have been a three-dimensional model or a full-scale plan.[16]听Such drawings or models, in turn, assumed an authority of their own, as Encarna Montero discusses in her essay in this collection. Thus, in September 1424 it was agreed that the upper section of the bell tower of Valencia Cathedral should be made 鈥榓ccording to the form and manner of the drawing (mostra) made by him (Mart铆 Llobet, master of Valencia Cathedral) and given to the said chapter and traced out (迟谤补莽补诲补) by him in the garden of Pere Daries鈥.[17]
Other forms of architectural copying, sometimes at the recorded request of the patron, are discussed in other essays in this collection, especially those by Costanza Beltrami and Nicol谩s Men茅ndez. But I will conclude this section with one more example that demonstrates both听imitatio听and听inventio听at a relatively modest scale. In July 1420, Juan Rodr铆guez de Lebrija and Mart铆n Mart铆nez signed a contract to make the portal for the church of San Juan de la Palma in Seville, 鈥榝ollowing and in the manner that the portal of the church of San Esteban in this city is made and worked鈥.[18]听They also agreed to make a bell tower 鈥榣ike that which is made in the church of Santa Ana de Triana鈥.[19]听The original towers do not survive at either church, but the portals are clearly alike, and are typical of a dozen or so parish churches in medieval Seville (Figs. 1.3 and 1.4).[20]听In both portals eight shafts rise in each jamb and carry eight orders of relatively plain mouldings, all beneath a hood moulding ornamented with large dog-tooth ornament. There is no tympanum. Two small image niches are set in the spandrels above, with another central niche and a horizontal corbel table higher up. At San Esteban the corbel table and central niche were altered in the seventeenth century, but even without these changes, a number of small differences between the medieval portals can nonetheless be discerned. Unlike the canopies at Santes Creus, these modifications do not obviously speak to artistic invention, but serve to underline the point that听imitatio听in the Middle Ages was never exact. More significantly, perhaps, the 鈥榩ick and mix鈥 selection of elements at San Juan鈥攊ts tower based on Sant鈥橝na de Triana and its portal modelled on San Esteban鈥檚鈥攕its well with the rhetorical definition of听inventio听as the gathering up of suitable models, like Zeuxis鈥檚 painting of Helen, based on five beautiful maidens from Croton, cited in Cicero鈥檚听De inventione.[21]听It may also suggest that the conformity of so many parish churches in Seville, C贸rdoba and elsewhere was led by patrons, not masons.
Gothic Architecture in Spain
These essays are intended to be a point of entry into the study of Gothic architecture in Spain, not a survey. Essays range from the early thirteenth century to the mid-sixteenth century, from Palma de Mallorca to Le贸n and Seville, but readers might reasonably quibble with all sorts of omissions: what about early Gothic architecture in Galicia and Le贸n, fourteenth-century Catalonia or Navarre, late-medieval Andalusia or Aragon, or even sixteenth-century Mexico, amongst many others?[22]听And while the essays cover a wide variety of building types, including chapels, parish and monastic churches, colleges, palaces and cathedrals, treatment is inevitably uneven. Cathedrals arguably receive disproportionate treatment, while there is no consideration of mendicant architecture, and relatively little on secular buildings. If Gothic architecture were defined simply by the use of the pointed arch, then the new shipyards begun in Seville in 1252 and covering over fifteen thousand square metres would surely qualify as one of the most ambitious Gothic projects anywhere in Europe (Fig. 1.5).[23]听Moreover, Guillem Sagrera鈥檚 designs for the Llonja in Palma or the late-medieval additions to the Aljafer铆a in Zaragoza testify to the extraordinary inventiveness of Gothic architecture in mercantile and palatial contexts in medieval Iberia (Figs 1.8 and 1.9).[24]听It is hoped that readers will be encouraged to investigate these lacunae for themselves.
No less problematic, perhaps, is the decision to focus on Spain and exclude Portugal.[25]听Felipe Pereda has drawn attention to a series of octagonal funerary chapels in late medieval Portugal that can only be properly understood through reference to Spanish precedents, for example.[26]听The Cantabrian origins of one of the most prolific architects of Manueline Portugal, Jo茫o de Castilho (Juan de Castillo), also testifies to the movement of architects across the border between Spain and Portugal, while clergy and royal brides also frequently traversed the frontier.[27]听Yet with the exception of one brief, contested interlude in the 1380s, Portugal was an independent kingdom throughout the period covered by these essays, and for this reason Gothic architecture in Portugal is not discussed in these essays, though it certainly deserves a study of its own. Moreover, architects and patrons also travelled regularly between Spain, France, England, Burgundy, the Holy Roman Empire and the Italian states, so in some respects any history of art that is premised on modern national boundaries is flawed. Can we then really speak of 鈥楽pain鈥 in the Middle Ages? It is true, of course, that Spain itself did not become a political reality until 1516, and, even then, it could hardly be considered united. But the idea of听贰蝉辫补帽补听or听Hispania听certainly was recognized throughout the period covered by these essays, and 鈥楽pain鈥 (rather than 鈥業beria鈥, which was almost never used in the Middle Ages) has the advantage of being concise and recognisable, without seeking to paper over the contested politics of the modern nation state that is home to many of the scholars cited in this essay collection.[28]听
So should it be Gothic Architecture in Spain, or Spanish Gothic Architecture? Some years ago Fernando Mar铆as drew attention to a small number of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century sources that apparently refer to a distinct Spanish style: Hieronymous Monetarius鈥 description of the roof of the cloister of Zamora Cathedral, gilded 鈥榓d ritum [sic] Hispanorum鈥 (1495); Antonio de Lalaing鈥檚 description of new houses in Granada, which were to be built 鈥樏 la fachon des maisons d鈥橢spaigne鈥 (1502); a 1502 contract for a painting in Rome 鈥榓d modum Yspaniae鈥; and a contract for capitals 鈥榓l modo che core in Spagna鈥 for the Casa de Pilatos (1529).[29]听Despite Mar铆as鈥檚 cautionary comments, scholars have since enthusiastically adopted the idea of architecture 鈥榓d modum Hispaniae鈥.[30]听It should be noted, however, that none of the texts cited above refers to Gothic architecture (most seem to refer instead to domestic, possibly Mud茅jar contexts), and although in this collection Henrik Karge and Bego帽a Alonso both highlight distinctive features of Gothic architecture in Spain at particular moments, any attempt to define a 鈥楽panish style鈥 for the whole of the Gothic period would simply flatten the tremendous variety of architecture to which these essays collectively bear witness. In the section that follows I will trace the earliest uses of the term 鈥楪othic鈥 in the Spanish context, before briefly sketching some of the early historiography of Gothic architecture in Spain.
From Modern to Gothic
As Mar铆as has highlighted, one of the earliest Spanish uses of the term 鈥楪othic鈥 in reference to architecture can be found in Juan Bravo de Acu帽a鈥檚 unpublished 鈥楲ibro de la fundaci贸n de la sancta yglesia de Toledo鈥, dated 1604, in which a plan of Toledo Cathedral is accompanied by a caption that reads, 鈥業ts style (modo) of architecture is Gothic, which vulgarly is called modern to differentiate it from the Greek and Latin鈥.[31]听This terminology almost certainly derived from Vasari, whose听Vite听were well known in in late sixteenth-century Toledo (and who himself collected plans of several Spanish Gothic churches).[32]听De Acu帽a was by no means the first person in Spain to distinguish a 鈥楪othic鈥 style, however. Medieval Spanish texts frequently refer to Gothic laws, Gothic Gaul or Gothic script, as in 迟丑别听Cr贸nica de San Isidoro听of c.1385, in which 鈥榣etras goticas鈥 are differentiated from 鈥榣etras griegas鈥.[33]听But it was not until the sixteenth century that exposure to Italian ideas helped to introduce a new vocabulary of stylistic discrimination in relation to art and architecture in Spain.
A key role in the introduction of Italian forms and ideas was played by 脥帽igo L贸pez de Mendoza, the second Count of Tendilla (1442鈥1515), who spent time in Rome as a teenager, and again as an ambassador in the 1480s. He was closely associated with many of the earliest Italian Renaissance tombs in Spain, but also oversaw construction of Granada鈥檚 royal chapel in a late Gothic idiom (indeed, he condemned the chapel鈥檚 original plan as too dark, narrow and short, 鈥榰na amarga cosa鈥).[34]听In 1505 脥帽igo wrote to Alonso Rodr铆guez,听maestro mayor听of Seville Cathedral, regarding the tomb of 脥帽igo鈥檚 brother, Cardinal Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, asking for a drawing showing the 鈥榝orm and manner鈥 (forma y manera) of the tomb and insisting that 鈥榥othing French, German or Moorish shall be mixed with the work, but that it should all be Roman鈥.[35]听Although this suggests a rather modern definition of style based on national or confessional characteristics, Patrick Lenaghan has cautioned that the Count of Tendilla seems to have understood this Roman style as 鈥榥o more than superficial decorative features grafted onto a Gothic structure鈥, easily learnt or adopted by a master who was more familiar with Gothic architectural traditions.[36]听The same is implied by the city ordinances of Seville (1512), which required that those responsible for plaster decoration could work 鈥榠n diverse manners (de diversas maneras), whether in the Roman or geometrical styles (de lazo)鈥.[37]
In late sixteenth-century Spain, 鈥榤odern鈥 or 鈥楪erman鈥 was still preferred to 鈥楪othic鈥 to describe architecture, especially in opposition to the 鈥楻oman鈥 style. For example, in his translation of Vitruvius, drafted in Granada in 1577, L谩zaro de Velasco wrote that 鈥榯here are several types (maneras) of churches suitable for Christian use, which are either the Roman style (modo Romano) that has been used in Spain, or the Teutonic style (modo tudesco) or of Germany, which they call modern (al Moderno), or the Roman use (uso Romano), which is employed now鈥.[38]听Meanwhile, in the brief history of the arts in his widely circulated听Varia commensuraci贸n para la escultura y arquitectura听(1585), the goldsmith Juan de Arfe described how a new style of architecture was introduced following the Gothic invasions and collapse of Rome. This, he explained, was 鈥榖arbaric work (obra barbara), known as masonry work or cresting (llamada ma莽oneria o cresteria), or according to others, modern work (obra moderna), with which they built the cathedrals of Toledo, Le贸n, Salamanca, Burgos, Palencia, 脕vila, Segovia and Seville鈥.[39]
By the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 鈥楪othic鈥 was widely used in Spain and elsewhere to describe medieval architecture, albeit not without confusion. For example, in 1669, the diplomat and cleric Fran莽ois Bertaut, educated in Spain, opined that Seville Cathedral had been built 鈥榤ore by the Goths than by the Moors鈥.[40]听Modern scholars would most likely describe the tower of La Magdalena in Zaragoza as 鈥楳ud茅jar鈥, but in his听Discursos practicables del nobil铆simo arte de la pintura听of c. 1675, Jusepe Mart铆nez described the tower as 鈥樏 manera g贸tica鈥, and distinguished between 鈥楪othic鈥 and 鈥榤odern鈥 (Renaissance) styles.[41]听Meanwhile, Madame d鈥橝ulnoy鈥檚 widely read听Relation du Voyage d鈥橢spagne听(1691) offered a back-handed compliment to Burgos Cathedral, where 鈥榯he Architecture is so exquisitely wrought, that it may pass amongst the Gothick Buildings for a Master-Piece of Art: and this is so much the more remarkable, in that they build very sorrily in Spain鈥.[42]
Vasari鈥檚 association of Gothic architecture with Goths and Visigoths had been clarified for French readers as early as 1687, when Jean-Fran莽ois F茅libien distinguished between the solid, ancient Gothic style of architecture (what we might now call pre-Romanesque) and the delicate effects of 鈥榤odern鈥 Gothic (equivalent to the modern sense of the word)鈥攁 clarification that found its way into Spanish via a translation of Charles Rollin鈥檚听Histoire ancienne, published in Antwerp in 1745.[43]听By this point the merits of Gothic architecture had been recognised by a small but important minority of French and English scholars who also offered alternatives models for its origins. As Matilde Mateo Seville has argued, the idea that Gothic architecture derived from Islamic architecture can be traced in France to 1679 and in England to 1713, and, early in the second decade of the eighteenth century, the French theologian and philosopher Ren茅-Joseph Tournemine formulated the notion that Gothic architecture had been invented in Spain by Christian architects who imitated their Muslim neighbours.[44]听Ideas about Gothic architecture鈥檚 鈥楽arracenic鈥 origins were not, however, widely disseminated until publication of Christopher Wren鈥檚听Parentalia听in 1750 and Diderot鈥檚听Encyclop茅die听the following year.[45]
This is not the place to explore fully the attitudes to Spain鈥檚 Gothic buildings among seventeenth- and eighteenth-century travellers from abroad, and most anyway largely passed from brief praise of architecture to marvel at the riches of church treasuries or peculiarities of local rituals.[46]听But it should be noted that British scholars and their correspondents played an important and early role in the appreciation of Gothic architecture in Spain. In the 1740s Horace Walpole鈥檚 Austrian friend, Johann Heinrich M眉ntz, travelled to Valencia and Zaragoza and made sketches of Gothic or Mud茅jar churches.[47]听Several drawings of Gothic and Islamic buildings also survive from Thomas Pitt the Younger鈥檚 detailed notes on his tour of Spain and Portugal in 1760鈥攏otes and drawings that apparently circulated relatively widely in Enlightenment England.[48]
These scholars and travellers helped to lay the foundation for a comprehensive reassessment of Gothic art and architecture in Spain in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century amongst a circle of influential Spanish scholars that includes Diego de Villanueva, Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, Antonio de Capmany, Eugenio de Llaguno, Isidoro Bosarte, and especially Antonio Ponz.[49]听In the very first volume of 迟丑别听Viaje de 贰蝉辫补帽补听(1772), Ponz applauded the proportions, solidity and elegance of Toledo Cathedral鈥檚 Gothic architecture, citing Vasari鈥檚 arguments for its German origins.[50]听For Ponz it was the proposed neo-classical designs for Toledo Cathedral that were 鈥榖arbarous鈥, and his intervention may have swayed the Toledan chapter the following year when they decided to restore the cathedral鈥檚 west fa莽ade 鈥榠n the same Gothic as the original church鈥 (Fig. 1.6).[51]听But it is in his account of Le贸n Cathedral in volume eleven of 迟丑别听Viaje de 贰蝉辫补帽补, published in 1783, that Ponz鈥檚 most eloquent celebration of Gothic architecture is found (Fig. 1.7). Praising its delicacy and the elegance of its ornament, he concluded that 鈥榯he plan and elevations of the church are those habitual to the Gothic style or, to speak properly, of the German (style), for that is what we vulgarly call Gothic鈥.[52]听Meanwhile, the Baroque remodelling of Le贸n Cathedral鈥檚 presbytery prompted Ponz to deplore 鈥榟ow little the Gothic period has been valued for most of our century鈥.[53]
The subsequent historiography of Gothic architecture in Spain has been well-studied by Matilde Mateo and others, and the number of scholars and publications is anyway too copious to consider properly in this Introduction.[54]听But a brief roll call of the most important scholars of Gothic architecture in Spain would include Juan Agust铆n Ce谩n Berm煤dez, Jos茅 Caveda, George Edmund Street, Vicente Lamp茅rez, 脡lie Lambert, and Leopoldo Torres Balb谩s, amongst many others.[55]听Special mention should also be made of the archaeologist and literary historian, Jos茅 Amador de los R铆os (1816鈥78), who in 1859 first formulated the idea of 鈥楳ud茅jar鈥 architecture, a term that has since been widely employed to describe art or buildings made for Christian patrons but that refer to Andalusi visual and artistic traditions.[56]听Although the essays in this collection only occasionally touch on overlaps between Gothic and Mud茅jar traditions, the question of Islamic 鈥榠nfluence鈥 or 鈥榓ssimilation鈥 has been a constant of all scholarship on Spanish medieval art since the nineteenth century.[57]
Scholarship on cross-confessional encounters and artistic pluralism has, indeed, been especially robust in the Anglophone world, especially since the quincentennial celebrations of 1992 and the renewed reflection prompted by 9/11 and the Madrid bombings of 2004.[58]听So given that scholars in the US and UK have long maintained interests in Romanesque art and architecture and the Spanish Golden Age, it might reasonably be asked why so few Anglophone scholars since G. E. Street have seriously engaged with Gothic architecture in Spain.[59]听This can be partly explained by the excellence of Street鈥檚 study and its multiple editions, by long-standing perceptions of French and Italian cultural superiority (now increasingly challenged by the rise of Hispanic culture in the US), by British scholars鈥 focus on Gothic architecture in Britain after World War II, by the endurance of the 鈥楤lack Legend鈥, by the legendary inaccessibility of Spanish archives, and by the teaching and scholarship of a few influential individuals in other areas of Spanish art history (notably John Williams and Jonathan Brown in recent years).[60]听But with regards to the study of Gothic architecture in Spain the exception perhaps proves the rule, at least in the UK, for the only major twentieth-century publication in English since Street鈥檚 is John Harvey鈥檚听The Cathedrals of Spain听(1957).[61]听Harvey was one of the leading scholars of English Gothic architecture in post-war England and his book contains a number of original observations, even if it is set out like a guide book.[62]听But Harvey鈥檚 conservatism made him an unpopular figure for many in England鈥檚 liberal post-war universities, and in 2008 Graham Macklin revealed that Harvey had in fact been closely linked with the Fascist movement in the 1930s and 1940s.[63]听It is unclear to what extent Harvey鈥檚 political connections extended into Franquist Spain, and his prejudices do not surface clearly in听The Cathedrals of Spain, but medievalists who knew Harvey nonetheless confirm anecdotally that many were deterred from working on Spanish Gothic architecture because of its association with Harvey and with Franco鈥檚 regime.[64]听听听
In Spain itself, Gothic architecture has traditionally played second fiddle to Romanesque. Compare the twenty-seven volumes of听Catalunya rom谩nica, published with the support of the autonomous Catalan government between 1984 and 1998, and the ten volumes of听L鈥橝rt gotic a Catalunya, begun only in 2002. The government of Navarre demonstrated similar priorities, supporting publication of the lavishly illustrated听El arte rom谩nico en Navarra听in 2004, followed by听El arte g贸tico en Navarra听in 2015. But the clearest example of Spain鈥檚 preference for the Romanesque is the massive听Enciclopedia del Rom谩nico, so far published in fifty-two volumes by the Fundaci贸n Santa Mar铆a la Real in Aguilar de Campoo (Palencia) and covering all of Spain and Portugal.[65]听There is simply no equivalent for Gothic architecture.
Despite these reservations, and the long-term consequences of the economic crash in 2008 (not least the paucity of jobs for post-doctoral students and of research leave for academics), this seems like a golden moment in the study of Gothic architecture in Spain. This is particularly noticeable in the flurry of recent conferences and publications on architecture of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and in the publication of newly discovered written and graphic sources.[66]听The professional lives of several prominent late Gothic architects have also been studied, and the vexed question of the relationships between听Sondergotik听and 鈥楥atalan Gothic鈥 has received new scrutiny.[67]听Beginning with Henrik Karge鈥檚 seminal study of Burgos Cathedral (1989), early Gothic architecture in the peninsula has also been newly studied, especially in the last twenty years.[68]听Eduardo Carrero and others have done much to revitalise the study of relationships between Gothic architecture, ceremony and urbanism,[69]听while holistic studies of art and architecture have been attempted for some regions and buildings.[70]
Besides many other achievements, these recent studies have done much to draw attention to the inventiveness of Gothic architecture in Spain鈥攐ften prompted by imitation of one kind or another.[71]听Amongst other examples, we might cite the rib vaults of the P贸rtico de la Gloria at Santiago de Compostela, transformed into a vision of the Apocalypse (Fig. 1.10).[72]听Or the carefully downsized replica of Notre-Dame in Paris at the collegiate church at Roncesvalles (Fig. 1.11).[73]听Or the presbytery at Toledo Cathedral, where the triforium offers a Gothic translation of Andalusi designs, and the vaults employ additional decorative ribs some years before the earliest lierne vaults in England (Fig. 1.12).[74]听Or the twisting Solomonic columns employed in churches and markets in the Crown of Aragon, inspired by Solomon鈥檚 Temple, and stereotomically complex (see Fig. 1.8).[75]听Or the tremendous variety of tracery designs in the great cloisters at Lleida and Vic Cathedrals (Fig. 1.13).[76]听Or the unusual plan of Pamplona Cathedral, with an irregular pentagonal eastern bay, and four huge and hexagonal vaults that unite the ambulatory and radiating chapels (Fig. 1.14).[77]听Or the unprecedented width of the nave vaults of Gerona Cathedral (Fig. 1.15).[78]听Or the precocious popularity of hall churches right across the peninsula.[79]听It is impossible to do justice here to the creativity of Gothic architecture across Spain, but these examples, chosen more or less at random, offer some hint of the potential for further study. In the final section of this Introduction I will summarise the contribution of the essays in this collection to this burgeoning field.
The Essays
The nine essays are arranged in approximately chronological order. In the first essay, 鈥楾he 鈥淪umptuous Style鈥: Richly-Decorated Gothic Churches in the Reign of Alfonso the Learned鈥, Henrik Karge examines the abundant vegetal ornament in Rayonnant architecture in the Crown of Castile. Karge鈥檚 pioneering monograph on Burgos Cathedral (1989) and subsequent studies of Las Huelgas and Le贸n Cathedral helped to set a new standard for the rigorous scrutiny of building archaeology, written sources, and architectural contexts. Beginning with a careful study of the cloister of Burgos Cathedral, Karge here argues for the existence of distinct workshops of figural and decorative sculptors in Gothic building lodges. From Burgos he moves to Las Huelgas, Ca帽as, Le贸n, Cuenca and Toledo, and links the 鈥榮umptuous style鈥 he identifies in these buildings to the court of King Alfonso X of Castile and his imperial ambitions. Invention and imitation in Rayonnant buildings in Castile must be understood, he suggests, in relation to well-established traditions of ornament in the Iberian Peninsula, but also in the context of the networks of architects and patrons that stretched across the peninsula and into France and the Holy Roman Empire.
Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre鈥檚 research and publications encompass both Romanesque and Gothic traditions and range impressively widely across the Spanish kingdoms. His essay, 鈥楾he King, the Architects and the Philosopher: Invention听in Mallorcan Architecture around 1300鈥 explores the design and early construction history of two extraordinary architectural projects in Mallorca: the cathedral of Palma, initiated in 1306, and Bellver Castle, begun at similar date. The geometry, numerology and orientation of Palma Cathedral鈥檚 unusual east end are considered in relation to devotion to the Incarnation and to the Trinity, and thence to the contemporary Mallorcan scholar Raymond Llull, especially his听Liber de Trinitate et Encarnatione听and听Liber de geometria nova et compendiosa. Ultimately Mart铆nez concludes that innovation at Bellver and Palma occurred in their planning stages, and that both projects may reveal a distant awareness of Llull鈥檚 ideas, with King James II as patron and possible intermediary.
In 鈥楢rchitectural Practice in Spain 1370鈥1450: Documents and Drawings鈥, Encarna Montero offers the first summary in English鈥攁lbeit here focused on architecture, and expanded with new evidence and ideas鈥攐f her important PhD and subsequent book on the transmission of artistic knowledge in Spain between 1370 and 1450. She draws on new evidence from across the peninsula, and especially from the rich archival holdings in Tortosa and Valencia that have been explored with renewed energy in recent years. With detailed study of apprenticeships and architectural drawings, she considers how innovation or imitation might have been encouraged by or despite long apprenticeships, and the role of architectural drawings in transmitting ideas and establishing new forms of architectural authority. Her recent discoveries in Valencia, Tortosa and elsewhere underline how much Spain has to offer historians of Gothic architecture more widely.
The fourth essay in the collection is by Amadeo Serra Desfilis, who has in many ways spearheaded the recent resurgence of medieval art history in Valencia, and done much to clarify artistic relationships between Italy and Spain in the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance. 鈥楶atterns of intention: Royal Chapels in the Crown of Aragon (Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries) and the Capilla de los Reyes in the Convent of Saint Dominic, Valencia鈥 focuses on the remarkable royal chapel in the convent of Saint Dominic of Valencia, built between 1439 and 1463. Comparisons with the British Library鈥檚 Psalter and Hours of Alfonso V, and with royal chapels in the crowns of Aragon and Castile, make possible a series of observations about the chapel鈥檚 function and institutional structure. The chapel鈥檚 spare grey walls and extraordinary diamond vaults are linked to the Dominican ideal of intense spirituality promoted by Saint Vincent Ferrer, and contrast with the rich settings of the relics that were kept and perhaps displayed in the chapel. Although it corresponds broadly to a wider typology of royal chapels in the Crown of Aragon, the royal chapel at the convent of Saint Dominic incorporates a number of innovations that can be understood as a response to the Mediterranean ambitions of Alfonso V and of the city of Valencia.
In 鈥Inventio听and听Imitatio: the Appropriation of Valois Style by a听Converso听Contador Mayor鈥, Nicola Jennings takes a holistic look at the funerary chapel of Fern谩n L贸pez de Salda帽a in the convent of Santa Clara de Tordesillas, begun in 1430. Jennings鈥檚 research explores relationships between Spain and northern Europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries across a range of media, and here she focuses on an ensemble in which 鈥maestre听Guill茅n de Roh谩n鈥 (probably from Rouen) and Isambart (documented in Picardy in 1399 and subsequently associated with a number of Spanish lodges) seem to have played an important role. Reconstructing the chapel鈥檚 original design, she argues that the patron鈥檚 choice of Norman and Flemish masons, stone-carvers and sculptors resulted in a mix of invention and imitation of Valois style which can be linked to Salda帽a鈥檚 dynastic ambitions and fluctuating political fortunes.
Diana Olivares Mart铆nez shifts attention to collegiate architecture in the sixth essay, 鈥楴ew Functions, New Typologies:听Inventio听in Valladolid鈥檚 College of San Gregorio鈥. Olivares completed her doctoral study of the college in 2018 and has been extremely active in publishing on aspects of late medieval architecture and patronage, organising symposia and conference sessions, and editing an important volume of essays on art and architecture circa 1200. Her essay focuses on the College of San Gregorio in Valladolid, founded in 1487 by Alonso de Burgos and built by an anonymous but extremely creative architect. She examines the college鈥檚 layout in relation to earlier traditions of colleges in Spain and beyond, as well as domestic and monastic complexes, and connects the prominent heraldry and varied and inventive designs of the college鈥檚 courtyard, chapel and portal to Alonso鈥檚 concerns to assert his status and express architectural magnificence.
Essay seven, 鈥業mitating a Model, Establishing an Identity: Copying San Juan de los Reyes at San Andr茅s, Toledo鈥, shows how patrons sought the prestigious associations of San Juan de los Reyes by imitating its distinctive architectural idiom in the chapels they commissioned. Costanza Beltrami recently completed her PhD at The Courtauld and has published on aspects of late medieval architecture in Rouen. Her thesis seeks to re-examine the artistic identity of Juan Guas, one of the most celebrated architects of late medieval Spain. In this essay she focuses particularly on the capilla mayor of the Toledan parish church of San Andr茅s and its little-known clever adaptation of Guas鈥檚 designs for San Juan. This should be understood, she argues, not only as the casual consequence of shared (and undocumented) master masons, but also in relation to the career and family of San Andr茅s鈥檚 chief patron, Francisco de Rojas.
Turning to another eminent late Gothic architect and dynasty, Nicol谩s Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez considers modifications to the design of the church of the royal Carthusian monastery of Miraflores, near Burgos, after Sim贸n de Colonia assumed control of the project begun in the 1460s by his father Juan. 鈥楻edesigning Miraflores: Sim贸n de Colonia鈥檚 Architectural Perception鈥 teases out the church鈥檚 relationship with Santa Mar铆a de las Cuevas in Seville, on which the church of Miraflores was explicitly modelled, and relates the church鈥檚 enrichment under Sim贸n to the patronage of Queen Isabella. Innovative details of the church鈥檚 fa莽ade and vault design are related to its setting and function as a royal funerary chapel, and reveal Sim贸n鈥檚 careful reflection on the designs of his father. The essay thus forms part of Men茅ndez鈥檚 wider assessment of the Colonia dynasty, the subject of his doctoral thesis and recent book.
Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz contributes the collection鈥檚 final essay, which appropriately includes a number of reflections on the historiography of Gothic architecture in Spain. Through multiple publications, conferences and edited volumes, Alonso has played a key role in establishing the vibrancy of the field of late Gothic architecture in Spain in recent years. 鈥Hallenkirchen听and Spanish Gothic Architecture: Historiographic Invention and Architectural Imitation鈥 revisits the subject of hall churches across Spain, from the thirteenth century through to the sixteenth. Alonso explores the wider European context for the development of hall churches, and the ways in which Spanish examples have been understood in relation to German听Hallenkirchen. The success of the type can be linked to a number of key architects and workshops, she suggests, but also depends on the relative economy with which impressive architectural effects could be created in parish churches.
Together these essays offer new and multiple visions of Gothic architecture in Spain, and explore the dynamic relationships between invention and imitation, architects and patrons, production and reception. Inventive in their own right, the essays nonetheless draw on the work of scholars old and new, and it is hoped that they will persuade readers of the interest of these buildings, and that Gothic architecture in Spain鈥攏o less than the broader artistic culture鈥攄eserves and rewards further study.
Citations
[1] George Edmund Street, Some account of Gothic architecture in Spain (London: John Murray, 1865), p. 446.
[2] Some Account was, however, reprinted in 1869, 1914, 1969, 1980 and 2016, with Spanish translations in 1926 and 2015.
[3] Paul Binski, 鈥楴otes on Artistic Invention in Gothic Europe鈥, Intellectual History Review (2014): pp. 1-14, here p. 2; James S. Ackerman, 鈥業mitation鈥, in Ackerman (ed.), Origins, imitation, conventions: representation in the visual arts (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001), pp. 125-141, here p. 126; Jos茅 Antonio Maravall, Antiguos y modernos: visi贸n de la historia e idea de progreso hasta el Renacimiento (Madrid: Alianza, 1986), pp. 299-317; Hans-Joachim Schmidt (ed.), Tradition, Innovation, Invention: Fortschrittsverweigerung und Fortschrittsbewusstsein im Mittelalter (Berlin; New York: Universit茅 de Fribourg. Institut des 茅tudes m茅di茅vales, 2005), esp. pp. 7-49. In the context of Gothic architecture in Spain, see Henrik Karge, 鈥楧e Santiago de Compostela a Le贸n: modelos de innovaci贸n en la arquitectura medieval espa帽ola. Un intento historiogr谩fico m谩s all谩 de los conceptos de estilo鈥, Anales de Historia del Arte (Ejemplar dedicado a: Cien a帽os de investigaci贸n sobre arquitectura medieval espa帽ola) 1 Extra (2009): pp. 165-196; Amadeo Serra Desfilis, 鈥楶romotores, tradiciones e innovaci贸n en la arquitectura valenciana del siglo XV鈥, Goya: Revista de arte 334 (2011): pp. 58-73. Inventio and imitatio were used in relation to imaginary architecture, however: Mary J. Carruthers, 鈥楾he Poet as Master Builder: Composition and Locational Memory in the Middle Ages鈥, New Literary History 24: 4 (1993): pp. 881-904.
[4] Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae as The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, trans. Stephen Barney (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), Book X, section 122, p. 220. For a Spanish medieval theory of rhetorical invention, see Martinus Cordubensis, Breve compendium artis rethorice (sic), Ms 9309, fols 132-133v, Biblioteca Nacional de 贰蝉辫补帽补.
[5] Jan Ziolkowski, 鈥楾he Highest Form of Compliment: Imitatio in Medieval Latin Culture鈥, in Marenbon (ed.), Poetry and philosophy in the Middle Ages: a festschrift for Peter Dronke (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2001), pp. 293-307. Also see Alina Alexandra Payne, 鈥楢rchitects and Academies: Architectural Theories of imitatio and the Debates on Language and Style鈥, in Clarke and Crossley (eds.), Architecture and language: constructing identity in European architecture, c.1000-c.1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 195-202; Mario Carpo, 鈥楬ow Do You Imitate a Building That You Have Never Seen? Printed Images, Ancient Models, and Handmade Drawings in Renaissance Architectural Theory鈥, Zeitschrift f眉r Kunstgeschichte 64: 2 (2001): pp. 223-233; Christian Freigang, 鈥業mitatio in Gothic Architecture: Forms versus Procedures鈥, in Opa膷i膰 and Timmerman (eds.), Architecture, Liturgy, and Identity. Album Amicorum Paul Crossley (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 297-313.
[6] Maravall, Antiguos y modernos, pp. 25-71; Alexandra Gajewski, 鈥楾he Choir of Auxerre Cathedral and the Question of a Burgundian Gothic Architecture鈥, Journal of the British Archaeological Association 171: 1 (2018): pp. 34-60, here pp. 41-2 (and bibliography therein); Binski, 鈥楴otes on Artistic Invention鈥, pp. 2, 7-9.
[7] See, for example, Fernando Chueca Goitia, 鈥業nvenci贸n y asimilaci贸n en el arte espa帽ol鈥, in Rumeu de Armas, Dom铆nguez Ortiz, Seco Serrano and Benito Ruano (eds.), 贰蝉辫补帽补: reflexiones sobre el ser de 贰蝉辫补帽补 (Madrid: Real Academia de Historia, 1997), pp. 535-546, here p. 538.
[8] Richard Krautheimer, 鈥業ntroduction to an 鈥淚conography of Mediaeval Architecture鈥濃, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5 (1942): pp. 1-33 and Paul Crossley, 鈥楳edieval architecture and meaning: the limits of iconography鈥, Burlington magazine 130: 1019 (1988): pp. 116-122.
[9] The phrase had been used in architectural contexts since at least the early eleventh century. See Victor Mortet and Paul Deschamps, Recueil de textes relatifs 脿 l鈥檋istoire de l鈥檃rchitecture et 脿 la condition des architectes en France au moyen 芒ge. XI-XII si猫cles (Paris: A. Picard, 1911), p. 29. For its use in Spain see, for example, Peter the Ceremonious鈥檚 request in July 1338 for 鈥榰num mapam mundi ad modum seu formam alterius illorum qui sunt in domo episcopi Valentie subtilibus figurati鈥 in Francisco M. Gimeno Blay, 鈥樷漇i necessitat s鈥檈sdevenia a escriure鈥. Escritura y gobierno en la Corona de Arag贸n (siglo XIV)鈥, in Sarasa S谩nchez (ed.), Monarqu铆a, cr贸nicas, archivos y canciller铆as en los reinos hispano-cristianos: siglos XIII-XV (Zaragoza: Instituci贸n 鈥淔ernando el Cat贸lico鈥, 2014), pp. 185-222, here p. 215n117.
[10] 鈥榓d modum et formam et de easdem mensuras quibus tabernaculum sepulture dicti domini regis Petri, patris nostri, factum est et constructum鈥. In September 1312, James had written to Bertran Riquier, master of works on Barcelona鈥檚 royal palace, asking him to measure Peter鈥檚 tomb and begin preparations for a new tomb, 鈥榮imilis illi in quo sepultum est corpus illustrissimi domini regis Petri鈥. These documents are now helpfully collected at http://santescreus.mhcat.cat/ca/el-projecte/apendix-documental-documentacio-medieval (accessed 1 February 2019), here docs. 83, 88 and 89.
[11] For the date of the translation see http://santescreus.mhcat.cat/ca/el-projecte/apendix-documental-documentacio-medieval (accessed 1 February 2019), doc. 34.
[12] Tom Nickson, 鈥楾he royal tombs of Santes Creus. Negotiating the royal image in medieval Iberia鈥, Zeitschrift f眉r Kunstgeschichte 72: 1 (2009): pp. 1-14, here pp. 8-9.
[13] 鈥楶rimerament que lo dit en Pere Torregrosa sia tengut fer e fara una capella bella e notable, en lo loch de la capella de sent Joan Batiste, dins la seu, de la altitud amplea e forma de la de Sta Anna en la dita seu鈥. See Encarna Montero Tortajada, La transmisi贸n del conocimiento en los oficios art铆sticos: Valencia 1370-1450 (Val猫ncia: Instituci贸 Alfons el Magn脿nim, 2015), p. 123; Jos茅 Sanchis Sivera, 鈥楲a escultura valenciana en la Edad Media, notas para su historia鈥, Archivo de arte valenciano 10 (1924): pp. 3-29, here p. 29.
[14] Krautheimer, 鈥業ntroduction鈥, pp. 10-13.
[15] Paula Gerson, 鈥楧e qualitate aecclesiae: Architectural Description in the Pilgrim鈥檚 Guide to Santiago de Compostela鈥, in Nicolai and Rheidt (eds.), Santiago de Compostela: Pilgerarchitektur und bildliche Repr盲sentation in neuer Perspektive (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2015), pp. 31-41, here pp. 37-40; Antonio C. Floriano, 鈥楢nales Toledanos III鈥, Cuadernos de Historia de 贰蝉辫补帽补 43-44 (1967): pp. 154-187, here pp. 178-9; Felipe Pereda, 鈥楳easuring Jerusalem: The Marquis of Tarifa鈥檚 Pilgrimage in 1520 and its Urban Consequences鈥, Citt脿 e Storia 7 (2012): pp. 77-102, here p. 94; Mar铆a Teresa Cort贸n de las Heras, La Construcci贸n de la Catedral de Segovia (1523-1607) (Segovia: Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad de Segovia, 1997), p. 52.
[16] Mar铆a Vict貌ria Almuni i Balada, La Catedral de Tortosa als segles del G貌tic (Barcelona: Fundaci贸 Noguera, 2007), 1: pp. 72-73. A slightly later drawing, marked 鈥榚n Antoni Guarc: mostra a portar鈥, shows a plan for the new cathedral that differs from the extant structure, and in 1375, Andreu Juli脿, master mason at Tortosa and Valencia Cathedrals, was sent to visit several cities, and made a drawing of the bell tower of L茅rida Cathedral. See Almuni i Balada, La Catedral de Tortosa, 1: pp. 104-6, 117, 455-6.
[17] 鈥榮egons la forma e manera de la mostra per ell (Llobet) feta e donada al dit capitol e 迟谤补莽补诲补 per ell mateix en l鈥檕rt den Pere Daries鈥. See Arturo Zaragoz谩 and A. Garc铆a, 鈥楨l dibujo de proyecto en 茅poca medieval seg煤n la documentaci贸n archiv铆stica: el episodio g贸tico valenciano鈥, in Docci (ed.), Il disegno di progetto dalle origini al XVIII secolo (Rome: Gangemi, 1993), pp. 41-44, here pp. 42-43.
[18] 鈥榮egund e en la manera que est谩 fecha e obrada la portada de la eglesia de Sant Esteuan desta dicha 脟ibdat鈥. See I. R铆os Collantes de Ter谩n and Antonio S谩nchez de Mora, 鈥楨l mud茅jar en la iglesia parroquial de San Juan Bautista, vulgo de la Palma: a prop贸sito de un documento鈥, Laboratorio de Arte: Revista del Departamento de Historia del Arte 11 (1998): pp. 405-420, here p. 412.
[19] 鈥榯al commo el que est谩 fecho en la esglesia de Santa Agna de Triana鈥. See R铆os Collantes de Ter谩n and S谩nchez de Mora, 鈥楨l mud茅jar鈥, p. 412.
[20] For this group see Alfredo J. Morales, 鈥楲os inicios de la arquitectura mud茅jar en Sevilla鈥, in Morales (ed.), Metropolis totius hispaniae. 750 aniversario de la incorporaci贸n de Sevilla a la corona castellana (Seville: Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 1998), pp. 91-106.
[21] Cicero, De inventione (Book II, part 1, i), discussed in Binski, 鈥楴otes on Artistic Invention鈥, p. 1. Compare Gabriel Byng, 鈥楾he Dynamic of Design: 鈥楽ource鈥 Buildings and Contract Making in England in the Later Middle Ages鈥, Architectural History 59 (2016): pp. 123-148, here pp. 134-35.
[22] For Gothic architecture in Mexico, see, for example, Ana Mar铆a Lara Guti茅rrez, 鈥楲a Arquitectura g贸tica de la nueva 贰蝉辫补帽补鈥, in Jim茅nez Mart铆n (ed.), La piedra postrera. V centenario de la conclusi贸n de la Catedral de Sevilla. Ponencias (Seville: Tvrris Fortissima, 2007), pp. 281-303.
[23] Leopoldo Torres Balb谩s, 鈥楢tarazanas hispanomusulmanas鈥, al-Andalus 11 (1946): pp. 175-209, here pp. 196-203.
[24] Joan Domenge i Mesquida, 鈥楪uillem Sagrera et 鈥渓o modern de son temps鈥濃, Revue de l鈥檃rt 166: 4 (2009): pp. 77-90, here p. 86; Carmen G贸mez Urd谩帽ez, 鈥楨l palacio de los Reyes Cat贸licos. Descripci贸n art铆stica鈥, in Caba帽ero Subiza (ed.), La Aljafer铆a (Zaragoza: Cortes de Arag贸n, 1998), pp. 229-287.
[25] For an attempt at a pan-Iberian bibliography of medieval art and architecture see Tom Nickson, 鈥楢rt of Medieval Iberia鈥, in Oxford Bibliographies Online, DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780199920105-0140 (accessed 5 November 2019).
[26] Felipe Pereda, 鈥楨ntre Portugal y Castilla: la secuencia formal de las capillas ochavadas de cabecera en el siglo XV鈥, in Guillaume (ed.), Demeures d鈥櫭﹖ernit茅: 茅glises et chapelles fun茅raires aux XVe et XVIe si猫cles. Actes du colloque tenu 脿 Tours du 11 au 14 juin 1996 (Paris: Picard, 2005), pp. 49-64.
[27] Mar铆a Ealo de S谩 and Alberto Luna, El arquitecto Juan de Castillo: el constructor del mundo (Santander: Colegio Oficial de Arquitectos de Cantabria, 2009). See, for example, Ana Maria S.A. Rodrigues, 鈥楾he Treasures and Foundations of Isabel, Beatriz, Elisenda, and Leonor: The Art Patronage of Four Iberian Queens in the Fourteenth Century鈥, in Mart铆n (ed.), Reassessing the Roles of Women as Makers of Medieval Art and Architecture (Brepols: Brill, 2012), pp. 903-934; Mar铆a Victoria Herr谩ez and Mar铆a Dolores Teijeira, 鈥楨ntre Castilla y Portugal. El patronazgo de Vasco Fern谩ndez de Toledo (鈥1362)鈥, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 10: 3 (2018): pp. 341-363.
[28] Jos茅 Antonio Maravall, El concepto de 贰蝉辫补帽补 en la Edad Media (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Pol铆ticos, 1964).
[29] Fernando Mar铆as Franco, El largo siglo XVI: los usos art铆sticos del renancimiento espa帽ol (Madrid: Taurus, 1989), pp. 98-99; Ludwig Pfandl, 鈥業tinerarium Hispanicum Hieronymi Monetarii, 1494-1495鈥, Revue Hispanique 48 (1920): pp. 1-179, here p. 101; Louis Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas (Brussels: F. Hayez, 1876), vol. 1, p. 205; Fernando Mar铆as Franco, 鈥楲a magnificencia del m谩rmol. La escultura genovesa y la arquitectura espa帽ola (siglos XV-XVI)鈥, in Boccardo, Colomer and Di Fabio (eds.), 贰蝉辫补帽补 y G茅nova obras, artistas y coleccionistas (Madrid: Fernando Villaverde Ediciones Centro de Estudios Hisp谩nicos e Iberoamericanos, 2004), pp. 55-68, here p. 62.
[30] For a recent (and otherwise excellent) example, see Palma Mart铆nez-Burgos Garc铆a, 鈥楨l mecenazgo art铆stico de Cisneros: gusto y manera 鈥渁d modum Yspaniae鈥濃, in S谩nchez Gamero (ed.), Cisneros: arquetipo de virtudes, espejo de prelados (Toledo: Cabildo Primado, Catedral de Toledo, 2017), pp. 147-163.
[31] Fernando Mar铆as Franco, 鈥楲a memoria de la catedral de Toledo desde 1604: la descripci贸n de Juan Bravo de Acu帽a y la planta y dibujos ceremoniales de Nicol谩s de Vergara el Mozo鈥, Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teor铆a del Arte 21 (2009): pp. 105-120, here p. 119n30, implies that this term had already been employed in the 鈥楨p铆stola al Lector鈥 in M. Vitruvio Pollion, De architectura dividido en diez libros (Alcala de Henares: Juan Gracian, 1582), fol. 4v, but I can find no such reference.
[32] See Xavier de Salas and Fernando Mar铆as, El Greco y el arte de su tiempo: Las notas de El Greco a Vasari (Madrid: Real Fundaci贸n de Toledo, 1992); Giorgio Vasari and Virginia Stefanelli, La citt脿 ideale: Piante di chiese [palazzi e ville] di Toscana e d鈥橧talia (Rome: Officina Edizioni, 1970); Jos茅 Mar铆a Guerrero Vega, 鈥楨l plano de Vasari de la catedral de Sevilla鈥, in 脕lvarez M谩rquez (ed.), La catedral g贸tica Magna Hispalensis: los primeros a帽os (Seville: Aula Hern谩n Ruiz, 2008), pp. 89-121.
[33] Regina Af Geijerstam and Cyntia M. Wasick (eds.), Cr贸nica de San Isidoro. Estocolmo D 1272a (Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1995), fol. 117r, accessed 9 February 2019, http://www.hispanicseminary.org/t&c/cro/icr/text.icr1.htm.
[34] Emilio Meneses Garcia (ed.), Correspondencia del Conde de Tendilla (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1974), 1: p. 570; Patrick Lenaghan 鈥樷滻t shall all be Roman鈥: early patrons of Italian Renaissance tombs in Spain鈥, in Schroth (ed.), Art in Spain and the Hispanic world: Essays in honor of Jonathan Brown (London: Paul Holberton, 2010), pp. 213-234, esp. p. 220.
[35] Lenaghan 鈥業t shall all be Roman鈥, p. 232n2. See also Bego帽a Alonso鈥檚 essay in this collection.
[36] Lenaghan 鈥業t shall all be Roman鈥, pp. 218-21.
[37] Ordenan莽as de Seuilla (1512): recopilacion de las ordenan莽as dela muy noble [et] muy leal cibdad de Seuilla (Seville: Juan Varela de Salamanca, 1527), fol. 151.
[38] Earl E. Rosenthal, The Cathedral of Granada. A study in the Spanish Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), p. 192, doc. 145; Antonio Urqu铆zar Herrera and Alicia C谩mara Mu帽oz, Renacimiento (Madrid: Editorial Universitaria Ram贸n Areces, 2017), pp. 44-5. The difference here between uso and modo is not clear.
[39] Juan de Arfe y Villafa帽e, Varia commensuraci贸n para la escultura y arquitectura (Seville: Andrea Percioni y Juan de Le贸n, 1585), Book 4, fols 2r-v. Juan de Arfe鈥檚 words carried a particular autobiographical relevance, for his grandfather, Enrique de Arfe, had in the early sixteenth century migrated to Castile from German lands, and the metalwork custodias and sceptres he made for Sahag煤n, Le贸n, C贸rdoba, Toledo and Oviedo constitute some of the most spectacular creations of late-Gothic microarchitecture in all of Europe. Juan鈥檚 vocabulary was in turn echoed in his brief biography by the artist and theorist Antonio Palomino, published in 1723, in which Palomino credited Juan鈥檚 father, Antonio, for abandoning this 鈥榓rquitectura b谩rbara g贸tica鈥 in favour of a Roman style. See Antonio Palomino de Castro y Velasco, El museo pictorico y escala optica (Madrid: Lucas Antonio de Bedmar, 1723), p. 393.
[40] Fran莽ois Bertaut, Journal du voyage d鈥橢spagne (Paris: Claude Barbin, 1669), p. 142.
[41] Jusepe Mart铆nez and Valent铆n Carderera, Discursos del nobil铆simo arte de la pintura (Madrid: Manuel Tello, 1866), pp. 170 and 179.
[42] Madame d鈥橝ulnoy, Relation du voyage d鈥橢spagne (Paris: Claude Barbin, 1691), 1: p. 212. The translation is taken from Madame d鈥橝ulnoy, The Ingenious and Diverting Letters of the Lady-(Marie Catherine, Baroness [or rather Countess] of Aulnoy) Travels into Spain 鈥 The second edition (London: Samuel Crouch, 1692), p. 50. Whence the judgement that Burgos cathedral 鈥榠s justly reckoned, among the most elegant Pieces of Gothic Architecture鈥: Udal Ap Rhys, An Account of the Most Remarkable Places and Curiosities in Spain and Portugal (London: J. Osborn et al, 1749), p. 31.
[43] Jean-Fran莽ois F茅libien, Recueil historique de la vie et des ouvrages des plus c茅l猫bres architectes (Paris: Widow of Sebastien Mabre-Cramoisy, 1687), preface; Charles Rollin, Rolin abreviado, 么 compendio de la historia antigua (Antwerp: Marc Miguel Bousquet, 1745), 6: pp. 86-7. Mart铆n Sarmiento, Viaje a Galicia (1745) (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad, 1975), p. 61, describes semi-circular arches in the Torre de Oeste in Catoira (Galicia), 鈥榳hich, as they are not 鈥榤odern鈥, must predate the Gothic structure or order (la f谩brica o orden g贸tico)鈥.
[44] Jean-Louis de Cordemoy, Nouveau trait茅 de toute l鈥檃rchitecture, ou l鈥橝rt de bastir; 鈥 Avec un dictionnaire des termes d鈥檃rchitecture, &c (Paris: Chez Jean-Baptiste Coignard, 1714), pp. 241-3; Matilde Mateo Sevilla, 鈥楾he Making of the Sarracenic Style: the Crusades and Medieval Architecture in the British Imagination of the 18th and 19th centuries鈥, in Semaan (ed.), The Crusades: other experiences, alternate perspectives (Binghamton, N.Y.: Global Academic Pub., 2003), pp. 115-140.
[45] Matilde Mateo Sevilla, 鈥業n Search of the Origin of the Gothic: Thomas Pitt麓s Travel in Spain in 1760鈥, Journal of Art Historiography 15 (2016): pp. 1-22, especially pp. 9-11.
[46] See, in general, Jos茅 Garc铆a Mercadal, Viajes de extranjeros por 贰蝉辫补帽补 y Portugal (Madrid: Aguilar, 1952-62), and, for British travellers, Ian Robertson, Los Curiosos impertinentes. Viajeros ingleses por 贰蝉辫补帽补, 1760-1855 (Madrid: Serbal, 1988).
[47] Mateo Sevilla, 鈥業n Search鈥, p. 11.
[48] Mateo Sevilla, 鈥業n Search鈥, pp. 15-18.
[49] See Ignacio Luis Henares Cu茅llar, 鈥楢rqueolog铆a e historia del arte isl谩mico en el Siglo de las Luces. El informe de Jovellanos sobre los monumentos 谩rabes de Granada y C贸rdoba鈥, Revista del Centro de Estudios Hist贸ricos de Granada y su Reino 2 (1988): pp. 165-176, here p. 175; Nieves Panadero Peropadre, 鈥楾eor铆as sobre el origen de la arquitectura g贸tica en la historiograf铆a ilustrada y rom谩ntica espa帽ola鈥, Anales de Historia del Art (Homenaje al profesor Dr. D. Jos茅 Mar铆a de Azc谩rate y Ristori) 4 (1993-1994): pp. 203-211; Jos茅 Enrique Garc铆a Melero, Literatura espa帽ola sobre artes pl谩sticas (Madrid: Encuentro, 2002); Ramon Grau i Fern谩ndez and Marina L贸pez i Guallar, 鈥極rigen de la revaloraci贸 del g貌tic a Barcelona: Capmany, 1792鈥, Barcelona quaderns d鈥檋ist貌ria 8 (2003): pp. 143-177; Karge, 鈥楧e Santiago de Compostela a Le贸n鈥, p. 169; Daniel Crespo Delgado, Un viaje para la Ilustraci贸n: el 鈥淰iaje de 贰蝉辫补帽补鈥 (1772-1794) de Antonio Ponz (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2012), pp. 233-41.
[50] Antonio Ponz, Viage de 贰蝉辫补帽补 贸 Cartas en que se da noticia de las cosas mas apreciables, y dignas de saberse que hay en ella (Madrid: D. Joachin Ibarra, 1772), pp. 36-7.
[51] Ponz, Viage, pp. 44-5; Juan Luis Blanco Mozo, 鈥楲a restauraci贸n como problema: el arzobispo Francisco Antonio Lorenzana y Ventura Rodr铆guez ante las reformas de la catedral de Toledo (1774-1775)鈥, Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teor铆a del Arte, Universidad Aut贸noma de Madrid 12 (2000): pp. 111-130, here p. 120.
[52] Antonio Ponz, Viage de 贰蝉辫补帽补 (Madrid: Ibarra, 1783), pp. 219-20. See Crespo Delgado, Un viaje para la Ilustraci贸n, pp. 225-42. The echo (and inversion) of Christopher Wren鈥檚 famous statement that 鈥榳hat we now vulgarly call Gothic ought properly and truly be named Saracenic architecture鈥 (Christopher Wren, Parentalia (London: T. Osborne, 1750), p. 297) is striking. This must have been written before Ponz鈥檚 journey to England in 1783, but had he already encountered Wren鈥檚 writings? See M贸nica Bolufer Peruga, 鈥榁isiones de Europa en el Siglo de las Luces: El 鈥淰iaje fuera de 贰蝉辫补帽补鈥 (1785) de Antonio Ponz鈥, Estudis: Revista de historia moderna 28 (2002): pp. 167-204.
[53] Ponz, Viage de 贰蝉辫补帽补, p. 220. See, more broadly, Jos茅 Enrique Garc铆a Melero, Las catedrales g贸ticas en la 贰蝉辫补帽补 de la Ilustraci贸n: La incidencia del neoclasicismo en el g贸tico (Madrid: Encuentro, 2002).
[54] See, most recently, Matilde Mateo Sevilla, 鈥楾he Moorish-Gothic Cathedral: Invention, Reality, or Weapon?鈥, in Glaser (ed.), The Idea of the Gothic cathedral: interdisciplinary perspectives on the meanings of the medieval edifice in the modern period (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2018), pp. 47-80. See also Eduardo Carrero Santamar铆a, 鈥楾eor铆a y m茅todo en la Historia de la arquitectura medieval. Algunas reflexiones鈥, in Rossell贸 Bordoy (ed.), Seminari d鈥檈studis hist貌rics 2007: Arqueologia de l鈥檃rquitectura (Palma de Mallorca: Societat Arqueol貌gica Lul路liana, 2008), pp. 5-27; Genevi猫ve Barb茅-Coquelin de Lisle, 鈥楨l arte medieval espa帽ol visto por los historiadores del arte franceses en el siglo XX鈥, in Caba帽as Bravo (ed.), El arte espa帽ol fuera de 贰蝉辫补帽补 (Madrid: CSIC, 2003), pp. 453-458; Philippe Araguas, 鈥楲a arquitectura medieval espa帽ola vista por los <> franceses鈥, Anales de Historia del Arte supplementary volume (2009): pp. 9-26; I帽igo Basarrate, 鈥楾he British discovery of Spanish Gothic architecture鈥, Journal of Art Historiography 19 (2018): pp. 1-30.
[55] See, in particular, Juan Agust铆n Ce谩n Berm煤dez, Descripci贸n art铆stica de la Catedral de Sevilla (Seville: La viuda de Hidalgo y sobrino, 1804), pp. 17-18; Eugenio de Llaguno y Am铆rola, Noticias de los Arquitectos y Arquitectura de 贰蝉辫补帽补 desde su Restauraci贸n (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1829), 1: xxxi and pp. 34-168; Jos茅 Caveda, Ensayo hist贸rico sobre los diversos g茅neros de arquitectura empleados en 贰蝉辫补帽补 desde la dominacion Romana hasta nuestros dias (Madrid: Saintiago Saunaque, 1849), pp. 249-417; Street, Some account; Vicente Lamp茅rez y Romea, Historia de la arquitectura cristiana espa帽ola en la edad media, seg煤n el estudio de los elementos y los monumentos, etc. (Madrid: Jos茅 Blass y C铆a, 1908); Vicente Lamp茅rez y Romea and 贰蝉辫补帽补 Comisar铆a Regia del Turismo, La Catedral de Burgos (Barcelona: H. de J. Thomas, 1911); Vicente Lamp茅rez y Romea, Los grandes monasterios espa帽oles (Madrid: Saturnino Calleja, 1920); Vicente Lamp茅rez y Romea, Arquitectura civil espa帽ola de los siglos I al XVIII (Madrid: Saturnino Calleja, 1922); 脡lie Lambert, L鈥橝rt gothique en Espagne aux XIIe et XIIIe si猫cles (Paris: Henri Laurens, 1931); 脡lie Lambert, 脡tudes m茅di茅vales (Toulouse: Privat-Didier 1956-7); Leopoldo Torres Balb谩s, Arquitectura g贸tica (Madrid: Editorial Plus-Ultra, 1952); Leopoldo Torres Balb谩s, Obra dispersa (Madrid: Instituto de 贰蝉辫补帽补, 1981-5) http://oa.upm.es/view/creators/Torres_Balb=E1s=3ALeopoldo=3A=3A.html.
[56] See especially Jos茅 Amador de los R铆os, Sevilla pintoresca o descripci贸n de sus m谩s c茅lebres monumentos art铆sticos (Seville: Francisco 脕lvarez y C陋, 1844); Jos茅 Amador de los Rios, Toledo pintoresca (Madrid: Ignacio Boix, 1845); Jos茅 Amador de los R铆os, El estilo mud茅jar en la arquitectura discurso del Ilmo. Sr. D. Jos茅 Amador de los R铆os: leido en junta p煤blica de 19 de junio de 1859 (Madrid: Jos茅 Rodr铆guez, 1859); and scattered essays in Museo Espa帽ol de Antig眉edades (published in eleven volumes between 1872 and 1880) and Monumentos Arquitectonicos de 贰蝉辫补帽补 (published in series, between 1859 and 1895). See Antonio Urqu铆zar Herrera, 鈥楲a caracterizaci贸n pol铆tica del concepto mud茅jar en 贰蝉辫补帽补 durante el siglo XIX鈥, Espacio, tiempo y forma. Serie VII, Historia del arte 22-23 (2009-10): pp. 201-216.
[57] See, among other studies, Mar铆a Judith Feliciano and Leyla Rouhi, 鈥業ntroduction: Interrogating Iberian Frontiers鈥, Medieval Encounters 12: 3 (2006): pp. 317-328; Philippe Araguas, Brique et architecture dans l鈥橢spagne m茅di茅vale: XIIe-XVe si猫cles (Madrid: Casa de Vel谩zquez, 2003), pp. 137-41. At the conference from which this collection of essays is drawn, Elena Paulino Montero gave a paper on 鈥楢rchitecture and aesthetic practices in fourteenth-century Castile鈥, subsequently published as Elena Paulino Montero, 鈥楢rchitecture and Artistic Practices in Fourteenth Century Castile: The visual memory of Alfonso XI and Pedro I under the first Trastamaran kings鈥, La cor贸nica 45: 2 (2017): pp. 133-163.
[58] See, for example, Maya Soifer, 鈥楤eyond convivencia: critical reflections on the historiography of interfaith relations in Christian Spain鈥, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 1: 1 (2009): pp. 19-35.
[59] No major study has been published by French scholars since Lambert, L鈥橝rt gothique (1931). For Romanesque studies by Anglophone scholars, see, for example, Arthur Kingsley Porter, Romanesque sculpture of the Pilgrimage Roads (Boston: Hacker Art Bks., 1965); Walter Muir Whitehill, Spanish Romanesque Architecture of the Eleventh Century (London; New York: Oxford University Press, 1941); Charles Little (ed.), The Art of medieval Spain, A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art; New York, 1993); Rose Walker, Art in Spain and Portugal from the Romans to the Early Middle Ages. Routes and Myths (Amsterdan: Amsterdam University Press, 2016).
[60] See Matilde Mateo Sevilla, 鈥楤reaking the Myth: Toledo Cathedral on the International Stage, a Review鈥, Journal of Art Historiography 17 (2017): pp. : pp. 2-5. For Spanish archives, see the preface to Peter Linehan, The Spanish Church and the papacy in the thirteenth century (London: Cambridge University Press, 1971).
[61] John Harvey, The Cathedrals of Spain (London: B. T. Batsford, 1957).
[62] His most important work is arguably John Harvey, English mediaeval architects: a biographical dictionary down to 1550 (Gloucester: Sutton, 1984).
[63] Graham Macklin, 鈥楾he two lives of John Hooper Harvey鈥, Patterns of Prejudice 42: 2 (2008): pp. 167-190: esp. pp. 185-6, in which Macklin points to Harvey鈥檚 celebration of Edward I鈥檚 expulsion of Jews from England in 1290 and the period of 鈥榚nlightened nationalism鈥 that followed.
[64] Harvey鈥檚 acknowledgements also reveal a network of friends with strong ties to Franco鈥檚 regime.
[65] Romanesque architecture is also especially well-served by numerous websites, of varying levels of academic reliability.
[66] See especially the publications listed by the research group, http://tardogotico.net (accessed 15 February 2019), including Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n (ed.), La piedra postrera. V centenario de la conclusi贸n de la Catedral de Sevilla (Seville: Tvrris Fortissima, 2007); Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz (ed.), Los 煤ltimos arquitectos del g贸tico (Madrid: Marta Fern谩ndez-Ra帽ada, 2010); Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz (ed.), La arquitectura tardog贸tica castellana entre Europa y Am茅rica (Madrid: Silex, 2011); Bego帽a Alonso and Fernando Villase帽or Sebasti谩n (eds.), Arquitectura tardog贸tica en la corona de Castilla: trayectorias e intercambios (Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2014); Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz and Juan Clemente Rodr铆guez Est茅vez (eds.), 1514: arquitectos tardog贸ticos en la encrucijada (Seville: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, 2016). For new graphic and documentary sources, or reappraisals of old ones, see, for example, Joan Domenge i Mesquida, 鈥楪uillem Morey a la seu de Girona (1375-1397). Seguiment documental鈥, Lambard 9 (1996): pp. 105-131; Joan Domenge i Mesquida, 鈥楲e portail du mirador de la cath茅drale de Majorque: du document au monument鈥, in Bernardi, Hartmann-Virnich and Vingtain (eds.), Texte et arch茅ologie monumentale: approches de l鈥檃rchitecture m茅di茅vale (Montagnac: M. Mergoil, 2005), pp. 10-26; Almuni i Balada, La Catedral de Tortosa; Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz and Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n, La tra莽a de la Iglesia de Sevilla (Seville: Biblioteca autores sevillanos, 2009);Encarna Montero Tortajada, La transmisi贸n del conocimiento en los oficios art铆sticos: Valencia 1370-1450; Mar铆a Victoria Herr谩ez Ortega and Santiago Dom铆nguez S谩nchez (eds.), La actividad art铆stica en la Catedral de Toledo en 1418: el Libro de obra y f谩brica OF 761 (Le贸n: Universidad de Le贸n, Instituto de Estudios Medievales, 2017); Enrique Rabasa D铆az, Ana L贸pez Mozo and Miguel 脕ngel Alonso Rodr铆guez (eds.), Obra congrua: Estudios sobre la construcci贸n g贸tica, elaborados con motivo del 600 aniversario de la reuni贸n de maestros convocada en 1416 para la consulta sobre la continuaci贸n de las obras de la catedral de Girona (Madrid: Instituto Juan de Herrera, 2017).
[67] John D. Hoag, Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n: g贸tico y renacimiento en la arquitectura espa帽ola del siglo XVI (Madrid: Xarait, 1985); Joan Domenge i Mesquida, 鈥楪uillem Sagrera, ma卯tre d鈥檕euvre se la cath茅drale de Majorque鈥, Histoire & mesure 16: 3/4 (2001): pp. 373-403; Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz, Arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla: los Rasines (Santander: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Cantabria, 2003); Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n, Mercedes G贸mez-Ferrer Lozano and Joaqu铆n B茅rchez, Pere Compte: arquitecto (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana: Ajuntament de Val猫ncia, 2007); Juan Carlos Ruiz Souza and Antonio Garc铆a Flores, 鈥榊sambart y la renovaci贸n del g贸tico final en Castilla: Palencia, la Capilla del Contador Salda帽a en Tordesilla y Sevilla. Hip贸tesis para el debate鈥, Anales de Historia del Arte 19 (2009): pp. 43-76; German Andreu Chiva Maroto, 鈥楩rancesc Baldomar. Maestro de obra de la Seo: Geometria e inspiracion biblica鈥 (PhD diss., Universitat Politecnica de Valencia, 2014). Costanza Beltrami, Juan Guas and Gothic Architecture in Late Medieval Spain: Collaborations, Networks and Geographies (unpublished PhD dissertation, Courtauld Institute of Art, 2020). On Sondergotik, see, for example, Joan Domenge i Mesquida, 鈥楽anta Maria del Mar i la historiografia del gotic meridional鈥, Barcelona quaderns d鈥檋istoria 8 (2003): pp. 179-200.
[68] Henrik Karge, Die Kathedrale von Burgos und die spanische Architektur des 13. Jahrhunderts: franz枚sische Hochgotik in Kastilien und Le贸n (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1989); Gema Palomo Fern谩ndez, La catedral de Cuenca en el contexto de las grandes canter铆as catedralicias castellanas en la Baja Edad Media (Cuenca: Diputaci贸n de Cuenca, 2002); Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n and Eduard Mira (eds.), Una arquitectura g贸tica mediterr谩nea (Valencia: Conselleria de Cultura i Educaci贸, Subsecretaria de Promoci贸 Cultural, 2003); Henrik Karge, 鈥楲a arquitectura de la catedral de Le贸n en el contexto del g贸tico europeo鈥, in Yarza Luaces, Herr谩ez Ortega and Boto Varela (eds.), La catedral de Le贸n en la Edad Media (Leon: Universidad de Le贸n, 2004), pp. 113-144; Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n, Arquitectura g贸tica valenciana: siglos XIII-XV (Valencia: Conselleria de Cultura, 2004); James D鈥橢milio, 鈥楾he Royal Convent of Las Huelgas: Dynastic Politics, Religious Reform and Artistic Change in Medieval Castile鈥, in Lillich (ed.), Studies in Cistercian Art and Architecture (Dublin: Columba Press, 2005), pp. 189-280; Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n and Vicent Gil Vicent (eds.), Jaime I (1208-2008): arquitectura a帽o cero (Castell贸: Museu de Belles Arts de Castello, 2008); Tom Nickson, Toledo Cathedral: Building Histories in Medieval Castile (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2015); Gerardo Boto Varela, 鈥楳orphogenesis and Spatial Organisation of Tarragona Cathedral (1150鈥1225)鈥, in Boto Varela and Kroesen (eds.), Romanesque cathedrals in Mediterranean Europe: architecture, ritual and urban context (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016), pp. 85-105; Diana Olivares Mart铆nez and Maria Poza Yag眉e (eds.), Alfonso VIII y Leonor de Inglaterra: confluencias art铆sticas en el entorno de 1200 (Madrid: Ediciones Complutenses, 2017).
[69] See, e.g., Eduardo Carrero Santamar铆a, Las catedrales de Galicia durante la Edad Media: claustros y entorno urbano (La Coru帽a: 2005); Javier Miguel Mart铆nez de Aguirre Aldaz, 鈥楨l componente art铆stico de las ceremonias de coronaci贸n y exequias en tiempos de Carlos II y Carlos III de Navarra鈥, in Ram铆rez Vaquero (ed.), Ceremonial de la coronaci贸n, unci贸n y exequias de los reyes de Inglaterra (Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 2008), pp. 229-250; Eduardo Carrero Santamar铆a (ed.), Arquitectura y liturgia: el contexto art铆stico de las consuetas catedralicias en la Corona de Arag贸n (Palma, Mallorca: Objeto Perdido, 2014); Sonia Dauksis Ortol谩 (ed.), Historia de la ciudad (Valencia: Instituto para la Comunicaci贸n, Asesor铆a, 2000-2015); Eduardo Carrero Santamar铆a, La catedral habitada. Historia viva de un espacio arquitect贸nico (Barcelona: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Aut貌noma de Barcelona, 2019).
[70] Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre, Arte y monarqu铆a en Navarra, 1328-1425 (Pamplona: Instituci贸n Pr铆ncipe de Viana, 1987); Francesca Espa帽ol Bertr谩n, El G貌tic Catal脿 (Barcelona: Angle Editorial, 2002); Nickson, Toledo Cathedral.
[71] See, for example, Rafael C贸mez Ramos, 鈥楾radici贸n e Innovaci贸n Art铆stica en Castilla en el Siglo XIII鈥, Alcanate. Revista de estudios alfons铆es 3 (2003): pp. 135-163; Domenge i Mesquida, 鈥楪uillem Sagrera et 鈥渓o modern de son temps鈥濃; Serra Desfilis, 鈥楶romotores, tradiciones e innovaci贸n鈥.
[72] Roc铆o S谩nchez Ameijeiras, 鈥楧reams of Kings and Buildings: Visual and Literary Culture in Galicia (1157鈥1230)鈥, in D鈥橢milio (ed.), Culture and society in medieval Galicia: A cultural crossroads at the edge of Europe (Brepols: Brill, 2015), pp. 695-764, here pp. 708-25. The author offered an extended version of this idea at the conference from which these papers derive, but unfortunately it was not possible for her to submit a paper of her own.
[73] Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre Aldaz, Leopoldo Gil Cornet and M. Orbe Sivatte, Roncesvalles. Hospital y santuario en el Camino de Santiago (Pamplona: Fundaci贸n para la Conservaci贸n del Patrimonio Hist贸rico de Navarra, 2012), pp. 38-48.
[74] Nickson, Toledo Cathedral, pp. 81-94.
[75] Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n, 鈥業nspiraci贸n b铆blica y presencia de la antig眉edad en el episodio tardog贸tico valenciano鈥, in Dauksis Ortol谩 and Taberner (eds.), Historia de la ciudad II: Territorio, sociedad y patrimonio (Valencia: Instituto para la Comunicaci贸n, Asesor铆a, 2000), pp. 166-183.
[76] See Francesca Espa帽ol Bertr谩n, 鈥楨l claustro g贸tico de la catedral de L茅rida: forma y funci贸n鈥, in Klein (ed.), Der Mittelalterliche Kreuzgang: Architektur, Funktion und Programm (Regensburg: Schnell + Steiner, 2003), pp. 352-367.
[77] Leopoldo Torres Balb谩s, 鈥楩iliaci贸n arquitect贸nica de la Catedral de Pamplona鈥, Pr铆ncipe de Viana 7: 24 (1946): pp. 471-508, here pp. 487-502.
[78] Rabasa D铆az, L贸pez Mozo and Alonso Rodr铆guez, Obra congrua.
[79] Julio P. Polo, 鈥楨l Modelo 鈥榟allenkirchen鈥 en Castilla鈥, in Alonso Ruiz (ed.), La arquitectura tardog贸tica castellana entre Europa y Am茅ricaSilex, 2011), pp. 281-311. See also Bego帽a Alonso鈥檚 essay in this collection.
DOI: 10.33999/2019.45