Patterns of Intention: Royal chapels in the crown of听Aragon (fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) and the Capilla de los Reyes听in the convent of Saint Dominic, Valencia[1]
The British Library collections include an exceptional manuscript illuminated in Valencia for Alfonso V, King of Aragon, Sicily and Naples.[2]听This lavish book of prayers, or psalter and hours, copied and illuminated in Valencia by Leonard Cresp铆 and other artists between 1436 and 1443, was soon sent to Naples, where the king had established his court, although it was probably conceived for use in Valencia. A significant number of the miniatures illustrate royal devotion in various settings, ranging from grand chapels to private oratories or even what appears to be a royal chamber (Fig. 5.1). Despite efforts to identify such settings with the halls, rooms and royal chapel in the Palau del Real in Valencia, inevitably there has been confusion, since this royal residence was demolished during the Peninsular War in 1810.[3]听We can, however, consider one well-known and exceptionally well-preserved building, commissioned by the king himself, and (re)consider its possible function(s), or, in Baxandall鈥檚 terms, assess the intentions behind its founding. I refer to the exceptional chapel, famous for its tenebrous grey diamond vaults, that was built within the convent of Saint Dominic in Valencia between 1439 and 1463 (Fig. 5.2). According to Francisco Sala鈥檚 unpublished history composed in 1608, the capilla de los Reyes (King鈥檚 Chapel) was designed to be the burial place of Alfonso V and his wife, Maria of Castile, but there is no earlier evidence for this.[4]听Moreover, Sala was drawing on oral sources rather than documents, in the context of the transfer of Alfonso鈥檚 body from Naples to the king鈥檚 final resting place in the Aragonese royal pantheon in the monastery of Poblet.[5]听When Emperor Charles V, heir of the kings of Aragon, donated 迟丑别听ius sepelendi听of the Valencian chapel to Menc铆a de Mendoza and her parents, the Marquises of Zenete, he referred to it as a 鈥榬oyal chapel which is founded under the invocation of the three kings鈥.[6]
It was a royal chapel indeed. Founded by the king in 1437, it belonged to a tradition of places of worship associated with royal residences in different cities in the Crown of Aragon, an entity composed by three kingdoms and a principality that were united only by the rule of a single dynasty. In an age of itinerant kingship, it was imperative to display magnificence, not only through palaces and residences, but also through chapels, cathedrals, monasteries and oratories. These religious spaces functioned as stages of royal piety, underscoring the king鈥檚 special relationship with the sacred in a context of rivalry with other Iberian and European monarchies.[7]
From 1277, the court moved from kingdom to kingdom, transporting the royal chapel from one residence to another.[8]听But a substantial change took place during the reign of Peter IV (1336鈥1387), when the king decided to establish chapels endowed with a set of images and liturgical objects in every major royal residence. In addition, ceremonies had to be performed in the same way in every kingdom, according to 迟丑别听Ordinacions de Cort听or Court Ordinances, a ceremonial established by Peter IV, closely following the precedent of 迟丑别听Leges Palatinae听of the kingdom of Majorca (1337).[9]听As a result of these decisions, a cohesive image of monarchic piety took shape through ceremonies and the appearance of high altars, as well as through the number of priests and acolytes celebrating the Divine Office in the royal chapels. These included Zaragoza and Huesca in Aragon, Valencia (Palau del Real), and Barcelona and Lleida in Catalonia, though the Almudaina Palace in Majorca and the Castle of Perpignan were soon added to this list, following the annexation of this independent kingdom.[10]听One of the principal ceremonies was the veneration and display of the royal reliquary, sumptuously furnished and exhibited with a silver altarpiece in the chapel, and attended by the king on special occasions.[11]
These architectural settings should be analysed in terms of local traditions, international models from other courts, and occasional innovations鈥攁lbeit within tight constraints.[12]听The chapel was only one part of a castle or palace, built in a long process of consecutive interventions by several members of the dynasty or inherited from former owners, as in the case of the Palace of the Kings of Majorca in Perpignan, dating from the early fourteenth century, or the chapel of Castel Nuovo in Naples, the only part of the Angevin residence to be carefully preserved by Alfonso in the extensive reconstruction of the fortress in the mid-fifteenth century.[13]听This local tradition and sense of place were sometimes overwhelming, as in the case of Palermo鈥檚 Cappella Palatina,听an extraordinary chapel that was lavishly decorated with mosaics and a sophisticated听muqarnas听ceiling, surely regarded as an intangible legacy of those kings of Aragon who had previously been kings of Sicily, such as James II or Martin I.[14]听It has also been suggested that Barcelona Cathedral may have been conceived as a palatine and episcopal church. Although this project was eventually frustrated, it would nevertheless explain some unusual features of this building, such as its western tribune, which offers an uninterrupted view of the crypt of Saint Eulalia.[15]
Given their strong diplomatic and cultural relations, it is almost certain that the kings of Aragon kept an eye on other royal chapels in the neighbouring kingdoms of Castile, Navarre, Portugal and particularly France.[16]听Cultural exchange between Paris and the court of Aragon intensified during Peter IV鈥檚 reign due to the successive marriages of his son and successor, future King Juan I with two French princesses (Mata of Armagnac and Violant of Bar, niece of Jean de Berry).[17]听The French model of the Sainte-Chapelle was not overlooked when the monarchs of Aragon erected a royal chapel based on relic worship in the fourteenth century: we know that in 1398 Martin I asked Charles VI for detailed information about rites and customs in Paris, so that they could be observed in Barcelona.[18]听A copy of the service of the relics has been linked to the chapel in Barcelona; dating from circa 1400鈥10 and of Spanish origin, it is now in the Biblioth猫que nationale de France in Paris.[19]听The kings of Aragon were following the example of French princes and aristocrats close to the Valois dynasty, who founded royal chapels similar to the Parisian Sainte-Chapelle in a fashion characterised by relic worship and a significant connection to the royal sanctity of Saint Louis.[20]听In this way, they distinguished themselves from their counterparts in Castile, where the court chapel was itinerant and oriented towards ordinary cult in 迟丑别听palatium, while royal chapels in cathedrals or monasteries were devoted to funerary rituals and dynastic commemoration. Moreover, in the royal pantheons in cathedrals such as Toledo and C贸rdoba, interference by bishops and chapters in the sculptural decoration and architectural setting could not be avoided.[21]
Different patterns of intention can be suggested for other initiatives, such as the construction after 1302 of the royal chapel in the palace in Barcelona by architect Bertran Riquer, in accordance with the will of James II (Fig. 5.3). It has been convincingly argued that the choice of a painted wooden ceiling on diaphragm arches in this oratory was linked to the Franciscan spiritual movement and the ideas conveyed by authors such as Arnau de Vilanova (ca. 1240鈥1311). More specifically, these values were visualised in the ceremony of听Mandatum听on Maundy Thursday, when the king washed the feet of twelve poor men to commemorate the actions of Jesus Christ and his disciples before the Last Supper.[22]听This custom was ritualised by subsequent members of the dynasty but found its most suitable setting in the royal chapel of the palace in Barcelona.
The tradition of having a royal residence within abbeys and convents prompted the creation of oratories or chapels for royal services.[23]听Given that Martin I built a royal residence in Poblet, the chapel of Saint Martin in the former Carthusian monastery of Valldecrist (Altura, Castell贸n) might well be explained by the king鈥檚 devotion to relics and his original intention to participate in monastic life there. Pope Benedict XIII granted indulgences to those who attended the display of the relics in Valldecrist (1413).[24]听This chapel with a crypt was covered by an innovative Gothic timbrel vault consisting of two layers of intersecting bricks forming a kind of shell. It was built by Pere Balaguer and consecrated in 1401, and it provided an oratory for the king and for Queen Maria de Luna close to their lodging in the monastery; the crypt may have been a burial place serving as an alternative to the royal pantheon in the Cistercian abbey of Poblet (Fig. 5.4).[25]
As these examples show, we should not examine royal chapels from a strictly formal standpoint, and we must certainly not consider their condition stable, even though ceremonies were ritualised and dynastic continuity was reinforced in these places of magnificence and royal piety. Despite the efforts of Peter IV to enforce homogeneous decoration in his kingdom鈥檚 royal chapels through the appointment of painters such as Ferrer Bassa and Ramon Destorrents and goldsmiths like Pere Bern茅s, there were a variety of altarpieces which could be silver-gilt or painted and, on occasion, even included sculpted images. Reliquaries were no less varied in terms of form and material; the only requirement was that their contents be visible. The mobility of the court was a common trend that demanded frequent travelling with the royal chapel, but even if a long stay took place in one palace, the liturgical calendar prompted changes in the staging of its chapel. This staging included the altarpiece and the furnishings that displayed the relics, as described by messengers from Barcelona who visited the palatine chapel of Naples鈥 Castel Nuovo on the Feast of Saint Eulalia in 1452.[26]
To unpick those patterns of intention that reveal royal ideals and forms of devotion, it is essential to examine closely the Aragonese kings鈥 various initiatives regarding the spaces and functions of their royal chapels. First and foremost, ceremonies had to be adapted to different spaces: even though it was very common to have two chapels in royal residences (one for the king, one for the queen), it was not necessarily so if the queen had her own palace, as was the case in Barcelona.[27]听Some queens even managed to introduce more intimate places of prayer: Maria of Navarre, Eleanor of Sicily and Maria de Luna did precisely this in the royal chapel in Barcelona (Fig. 5.5).[28]
By the mid-fourteenth century, 迟丑别听Ordinacions de Cort听had defined a calendar of ceremonies and liturgical endowments, but this text pays no attention to architectural setting. However, a gallery or platform is a common feature in most of the chapels, including that of Santa 脕gata (formerly devoted to Saint Mary) in Barcelona and the one built by Peter IV in Lleida Castle.[29]听Both were probably linked to relic worship, and to the need to see the high altar and highlight royal presence in the chapel while keeping the monarch separate. We even know that raised platforms or balconies were built onto royal apartments to overlook the church, as was done for Martin I in Poblet. The king requested a similar structure to attend services at the Carthusian monastery of Valldecrist in 1406.[30]听The introduction of new forms of devotion was an essential prompt for the construction of such oratories, described by Francesc Eiximenis as 鈥榓 little house where they can pray almost in secret鈥.[31]听Much more private than a royal tribune, these oratories can be connected to such texts as 迟丑别听Quarentena de contemplaci贸听by Joan Eximeno or others by authors such as Eiximenis who exerted a great influence at court.[32]
Both kings and queens nonetheless established chapels, oratories and chambers in monasteries and convents in the Crown of Aragon, sometimes as part of a project including a pantheon, church and royal residence. That is certainly the case with Santes Creus and Poblet, the two Cistercian monasteries in Catalonia. It was almost mandatory to entrust worship in a royal chapel to a religious community, since they offered continuity and vigour in Divine Office prayers.[33]听Martin I chose the Celestines for the royal chapel in the palace of Barcelona, erected on the precedent of the Sainte-Chapelle, though he had also established oratories in the very same royal palace (the Chapel of Saint Michael) and in Barcelona Cathedral.[34]
The Capilla de Los Reyes (Kings鈥 Chapel) in the Convent of Saint Dominic, Valencia
Alfonso V (1396鈥1458), the second king from the House of Trast谩mara to occupy the throne of Aragon, modified the traditions of his predecessors. Having transferred the royal chapel in the palace of Barcelona to the Mercedarian friars in 1423, he eventually abandoned Martin I鈥檚 project in that city and ordered that the reliquary, augmented by Martin I not long before, be moved to Valencia.[35]听Several reasons may explain this change in favour of Valencia. First, the city, which had been emerging since the late fourteenth century as one of the capitals of the Crown of Aragon, supported Alfonso鈥檚 ambitions to conquer the kingdom of Naples, and defended his family interests in neighbouring Castile by offering financial contributions to both initiatives.[36]听Meanwhile, the king himself ordered an extensive programme of work on his residence, the Palau del Real, and was arguably flattered by the city鈥檚 efforts to welcome him as a prince in 1414, to celebrate his marriage to Princess Maria of Castile the year after, and, finally, to commemorate his royal entry in 1424.[37]听The Aragonese court鈥檚 temporary stay in Valencia, improvements to the Palau del Real,听and the commissioning of Valencian artists and architects further strengthened the king鈥檚 relationship with the city.[38]
Did Alfonso V always intend to transfer the royal chapel (and relics) from Barcelona to the new chapel in the Convent of Saint Dominic in Valencia, as Francesca Espa帽ol wondered some years ago? Or is it the case, as is more commonly believed, that the relics ended up there because they were offered as security for a loan to Alfonso V from the cathedral鈥檚 treasury in 1437?[39]听This possibility is further explored below, as it offers meaningful insights into the type, functions and particular features of the chapel in the convent of Saint Dominic (Fig. 5.6).
Built between 1439 and 1463 by architect Francesc Baldomar, the chapel still makes a powerful statement within the convent of Saint Dominic, thanks to its external grey wall with Alfonso鈥檚 heraldry on Plaza de Predicadores.[40]听Its monumental presence is, however, only completely revealed when the rectangular space (eleven by twenty-two metres inside) is entered, with walls two and a half metres thick, covered with a diamond vault made up of two rectangular bays with a pointed groin vault, with lunettes and another bay that creates the effect of a semi-octagonal apse on the western side, with pointed squinches in the corners (Fig. 5.7).[41]听The bricks and mortar used in central European diamond vaults were rarely used in Valencian vaults in this period, but the grey limestone chosen for royal chapel was equally unusual.[42]听It was brought directly from the Sagunto quarries, about twenty-five kilometres away, whereas most Valencian Gothic buildings used local white limestone from Godella; the latter was more convenient as it is was both nearer and suitable for stonecutting.[43]听The records of work on the chapel mention frequent sharpening of tools, probably due to the hardness of the grey limestone. One reason to employ this hard, dark grey stone could be its prestige, which derived from its use in ancient monuments in the region and its provenance from听Saguntum听with its Roman ruins and theatre.[44]
The choice of the grey stone, the location of the chapel near the main access to the church of the Predicadores and the presence of two niches at each side of the nave have all been explained as a consequence of its funerary function.[45]听Valencian citizens and noble families were enthusiastic patrons of the Dominican convent, making it their preferred burial location, and the monarchy had protected the friars since the Christian conquest in 1238.[46]
Less attention has been paid to other intriguing features, such as the presence of one opening high on the south side, close to the apse at the west end; a chamber covered with an irregular groin vault, thought to be a sacristy behind the semi-octagonal apse; and two intertwined spiral staircases, one reaching a terrace with a small well in the centre (a type known as听caracol de Mallorca), the second connected to an opening in the centre of the apse. A pulpit and a narrow staircase have been excavated out of the northern wall. What is certainly beyond any doubt is the royal patronage of the chapel, even if it is not recorded in written sources: the heraldry of the kingdoms of Aragon, Sicily and Naples is proudly exhibited above the main entrance from the convent atrium (Fig. 5.8).
The origins and construction of the chapel can be followed from the accounts in the Archivo del Reino de Valencia.[47]听In these and other associated records, there is no mention of the chapel鈥檚 funerary use: it is always referred to as the 鈥榗apilla de los Reyes鈥 or the chapel ordered to be built by King Alfonso. The only reference to the niches is to 迟丑别听retret del senyor rey听and听retret de la senyora reyna, using a Catalan term roughly equivalent to the French听retrait, which refers to small niches in the wall to be occupied by the king and the queen, as the heraldry once again confirms. In 1443 five chaplaincies were each endowed with one thousand听sous听a year to celebrate Masses for the king.[48]听When concealed with curtains, the niches probably looked similar to the famous miniature depicting Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, at prayer inside an oratory while attending Mass.[49]
Comparison with other funerary chapels and royal pantheons in the Crowns of Aragon (Poblet, Santes Creus) and Castile (Miraflores, royal chapels in Sevilla, C贸rdoba and Toledo) raises questions about the location of the tombs鈥攊f they were really intended for the Valencian chapel鈥攁nd their relationship to 迟丑别听retrets.[50]听It is hard to imagine that the royal sepulchres were to be placed in 迟丑别听retrets, leaving almost the whole width of the chapel free: it is more likely that they were intended for the centre of the chapel. Both niches remained empty anyway, since Alfonso was buried in Naples until his corpse was transferred to Poblet in 1671 (by order of the Spanish viceroy of Naples, Peter Antonio de Arag贸n), while Maria of Castile founded a convent of Poor Clares in Valencia where she chose to be buried in a tomb without an effigy, decorated only with personal heraldry.[51]听Not even King Juan II made use of this extraordinary shrine, even though he took on responsibility for finishing the chapel, and commissioned the painter Joan Reixach to make an altarpiece for it. He was instead buried in the royal pantheon at Poblet.
There is little evidence for the function of the chapel before Emperor Charles V passed it on to Menc铆a de Mendoza as a burial place for her parents, the Marquises of Zenete. Initial intentions for the chapel seem to have been condemned to oblivion, unless we turn to circumstantial insights into the original conception of this structure which has long been admired as a masterpiece of late Gothic stonecutting and innovative vault design.[52]
The first piece of evidence is found in the psalter and hours of King Alfonso, located at the British Library in London.[53]听In some of the miniatures, we see the king in intimate prayer inside small shrines or oratories, in a setting similar to the royal chapel in Valencia, then at an early stage of its construction. These miniatures convey an image of monarchic piety not only on a courtly stage鈥攁s in the miniature identified with the palatine chapel (fol. 281v) (Fig. 5.9)鈥攂ut also in more intimate chambers and shrines located in or outside the royal residence (fol. 14v, in the royal chamber; fol. 38r, of interest because of the textile oratory; 44v, in front of a crucifix within a small chapel; fol. 106v, before an oratory in a garden; fol. 263v, inside a mendicant church; fol. 312r, with a vision of the Virgin inside a chapel) (Figs 5.10 and 5.11).[54]听It should be noted that this prayer book was originally commissioned by Cardinal Joan de Casanova, a Dominican friar and royal confessor whose influence was probably key in the choice of iconography and decision to make this book 鈥榝or the need and use of the royal person鈥. The laudatory biography by Antonio Beccadelli,听De dictis et factis Alphonsi regis Aragonum, stresses the king鈥檚 commitment to the Liturgy of the Hours under all circumstances and his special veneration of the Eucharist, while the prayer book confirms royal devotion to the Seven Joys of Mary and to the Passion.[55]
The refined simplicity of the architectural setting for royal piety represented by the chapel in the convent of Saint Dominic is consistent with the Dominican ideal of intense spirituality promoted by Saint Vincent Ferrer, the preacher and later saint who played a decisive role in both Alfonso鈥檚 father election as King of Aragon at Caspe (1412), and in the Observant reform implemented in Santa Mar铆a la Real de Nieva (Segovia) under the patronage of Catherine of Lancaster and Maria of Aragon, Alfonso鈥檚 aunt and sister respectively.[56]听Indeed, a chapel dedicated to Saint Vincent Ferrer after his canonisation was built in front of the entrance to the capilla de los Reyes, as can be observed in a plan of the convent from 1842 (Fig. 5.12). Never painted, the austere grey walls interrupted by the two oratories and the interior pulpit would have been suitable for concentration during personal prayer, outside of public ceremonies, with the help of a text such as the manuscript of Francesc Eiximenis鈥檚听Psalterium alias Laudatorium, lavishly illuminated by Pere Bonora and Leonard Cresp铆 for Alfonso in 1443.[57]听Dedicated to Antipope Benedict XIII, this Latin text, which complemented Eiximenis鈥檚听Vita Christi, became a challenging and enlightened collection of prayers and contemplation for popes and kings.[58]
A second indirect piece of evidence is provided by the transfer of the Crown of Aragon鈥檚 collection of relics from Barcelona to Valencia, where it was deposited in the cathedral in 1437, the very same year in which the chapel鈥檚 foundation is first recorded.[59]听Although Alfonso needed to borrow money from the cathedral chapter and city authorities, it is difficult to imagine that he was indifferent to the symbolic value of this treasure amassed by his predecessors and augmented by him with the reliquary of Saint Louis of Toulouse, seized in Marseille in 1423.[60]听It is worth remembering that among the relics delivered to Valencia Cathedral were such pieces as the Virgin鈥檚 Comb, the Holy Grail, a Veronica of the Virgin and a reliquary of Saint George, patron saint of the Crown of Aragon.[61]听Some of these relics remained there on a temporary basis and were occasionally exhibited in the chapels of the Palau del Real, where the upper chapel was dedicated to Saint Catherine and the lower chapel to Saint Mary of the Angels.[62]听For a short time, King Alfonso seemed keen to convey an image of piety in these chapels, enriching them with a crucifix of Flemish provenance (1425), acquired for 300 gold florins, and a 鈥榳ooden oratory of some labour鈥 for 1,100听sous, to be maintained by carpenter Pasqual Esteve.[63]
It is perhaps not coincidental that building work started on the convent of Saint Dominic at a date very close to the transfer of relics to Valencia. An unexplained feature of the chapel is the presence of a side window, which could be identified as a hagioscope or squint and can still be seen on the southern wall of the chapel (Fig. 5.13). A hagioscope was deemed necessary when a chapel became a public space and so a separate oratory was constructed to enable members of the royal family to attend ceremonies.[64]听After reforms and the demolition of most of the surrounding buildings in the convent, no oratory or private chamber connected to the squint has been preserved, but something similar survives in Maria of Castile鈥檚 oratory at the church of the Sant铆sima Trinidad in Valencia where she was buried in 1458.[65]听Moreover, a plan of the convent shows that this side of the chapel was in the immediate vicinity of the porter鈥檚 lodge,听a space to receive laymen and adequate to accommodate a royal apartment if required (see Fig. 5.12).[66]
A second opening, now blocked by the sixteenth-century altarpiece, remains accessible via a spiral staircase and is linked to a room set over the groin vaults of the sacristy. An oblique round-arched doorway leads to the sacristy and the two intertwined spiral staircases, which in turn give access to the upper room and to an exterior pulpit. Such an arrangement would have been useful for displaying relics or the Holy Sacrament, permitting a few privileged faithful to venerate them and get a closer view. This is not inconceivable, since the king exhibited the relics in the palatine chapel in Barcelona on such occasions as the feast of听Passio Imaginis听(11 November) or of the Assumption (15 August), at least under Martin I.[67]听In the palatine chapel of the Palau del Real, Maria of Castile presented the True Cross relic for public veneration.[68]听In 1449, Alfonso paid the German artist Pere Staxar for a stone sculpture of the Passion for a royal chapel; this may have been in Naples but is more likely to have been in Valencia as the iconography was especially appropriate for a site where relics were displayed.[69]
The layout of the chapel was not dissimilar to the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris, with two lateral niches, a squint and stairs to an upper platform over the sanctuary.[70]听Nor was it very different from the later and chronologically-closer example of Vincennes.[71]听The interior of the chapel, with the lateral niches, would have ensured the visibility of the relics or Holy Sacrament in sharp contrast to the dark grey walls in the background. The unexpected lack of sculpted or painted d茅cor, apart from the altarpiece, contributed to the uncanny nudity of the walls under the austere and yet spectacular diamond vault (Fig. 5.14). The question of whether the Eucharist or the relics from the royal treasure were displayed remains elusive, but it is certainly possible: the collection of听sacra听pignora听in the palatine chapel included the Holy Grail, and Alfonso made use of the badge of the burning seat or 鈥楽iege Perilous鈥 (kept vacant for the knight who accomplished the quest in the Arthurian legend) at least from 1426 in Valencia, before conquering Naples, his victory usually identified with this symbol.[72]听The royal chapel included valuable Marian relics, especially the Virgin鈥檚 Comb given by the Duke of Berry in 1394, as well as the Veronica, and the Trast谩mara dynasty reinforced its association with the Virgin Mary in Ferdinand鈥檚 reign.[73]听The altarpiece, painted by Joan Reixach (1457鈥1463), showed the Virgin of the Expectation (Virgo expectans) flanked by Saints Ildefonso and John, patrons of King Alfonso and of his brother and successor Juan II. As well as Alfonso鈥檚 onomastic saint, Ildefonso was a distinguished defender of the virginity of Mary before and after Jesus鈥檚 birth.[74]听Marian devotion and Eucharistic cult provided a public representation of the monarchy within an urban context in one of the major mendicant convents in Valencia, and were combined with more popular celebrations in local festivals, such as the royal entrances and Corpus Christi processions celebrated on a regular basis.[75]听Court and city could converge in these festivals, sharing their devotion and experiencing the presence of the relics in Valencia as a true donation instead of a temporary deposit, bringing them from the royal residence to the capilla de los Reyes in Saint Dominic and, eventually, to the cathedral.
In chapter 189 of the novel听Tirant lo Blanc, written by the knight Joan Martorell in Valencia while the capilla de los Reyes was under construction, the protagonist, who saves the Byzantine Empire from destruction, joins a tournament wearing on his helmet a crest with a comb and the Holy Grail 鈥榣ike the one conquered by Sir Galahad, the good knight鈥.[76]听Already confined to the world of fiction, the ideal of a Crusade to rescue the imperial capital of Constantinople was no longer a royal priority, but might well have been meaningful at the time of the foundation of this chapel.[77]听The royal chapel in Saint Dominic is undeniably a masterpiece of late Gothic architecture, but the patterns of intention for its function remain blurred and subject to further research. This was also one of a series of shrines where monarchic ideals of piety and proximity to the sacred could be made manifest: values of particular significance for a dynasty that made no claims to sacral kingship, but which nonetheless required a sense of royal sovereignty linked to holiness. To bolster Alfonso鈥檚 Mediterranean ambitions, it was therefore in the dynasty鈥檚 best interests to communicate the power and prestige of the king to other European kingdoms and Italian princedoms, and to a large and varied audience in a city with strong aspirations to be considered the new capital of the Crown of Aragon.[78]
Citations
[2]听MS Additional 28962, British Library. On the manuscript see Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楨l salterio y libro de horas de Alfonso el Magn谩nimo y el cardenal Joan de Casanova鈥,听Locus amoenus听6 (2002-2003): pp. 91-114; Josefina Planas, 鈥榁alence, Naples et les routes artistiques de la M茅diterran茅e: Psautier-Livre d鈥橦eures d鈥橝lphonse le Magnanime鈥, in Christiane Raynaud (ed.),听Des heures pour prier: Les livres d鈥檋eures en Europe m茅ridionale du Moyen Age 脿 la Renaissance听(Paris: L茅opard d鈥橭r: Cahiers du L茅opard d鈥橭r 17, 2014), pp. 65-101; Josefina Planas Badenas, 鈥楨l Salterio-libro de horas del rey Alfonso V de Arag贸n鈥, in Sophie Brouquet and Juan Vicente Garc铆a Marsilla (eds.),听Mercados del lujo, mercados del arte听(Valencia: Publicacions de la Universitat de Valencia, 2015), pp. 211-37.
[3]听Josep Vicent Boira (ed.),听El Palacio Real de Valencia: los planos de Manuel Cavallero (1802)听(Valencia: Ayuntamiento de Valencia, 2006).
[4]听鈥榶 como tenemos por tradici贸n dicen que fueron hechas para en ellas hazer dos sepulturas y en ellas poner los cuerpos de las dos personas reales de dichos dos reyes y como mudaron de parescer pusieron dos retablos, el uno del prendimiento del Se帽or en el guerto y el otro de Su Sanctissima Coronaci贸n鈥. Francisco Sala,听Historia de la Fundaci贸n y cosas memorables del Real Convento de Predicadores de Valencia, Manuscript, Biblioteca Hist貌rica de la Universitat de Val猫ncia, MS 163, pp. 16-17.
[5]听Luis Arciniega Garc铆a, 鈥楢rquitectura听a gusto de su Majestad听en los monasterios de San Miguel de los Reyes y Santo Domingo (s. XVI y XVII)鈥 in Francisco Taberner et al. (eds.),听Historia de la ciudad, vol. 2,听Territorio, sociedad y patrimonio听(Valencia: ICARO-Universitat de Val猫ncia, 2002), pp. 186-204, esp. pp. 189-93.
[6]听Luis Tramoyeres Blasco, 鈥楿n tr铆ptico de Jer贸nimo Bosco en el Museo de Valencia鈥,听Archivo de Arte Valenciano听1:3 (1915): pp. 87-102; Luisa Tolosa Robledo, Mar铆a Teresa Vedre帽o Alba, Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n,听La Capella Reial d鈥橝lfons el Magn脿nim de l鈥檃ntic monestir de Predicadors de Val猫ncia I: Estudis听(Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1997); Noelia Garc铆a P茅rez, 鈥楳odelos de enterramiento, modelos de patronazgo: la Capilla de los Tres Reyes del convento de Santo Domingo de Valencia y los Marqueses del Zenete鈥,听Imafronte听19-20 (2007-2008): pp. 63-74.
[7]听Rita Costa-Gomes, 鈥楾he Royal Chapel in Iberia: Models, Contacts, and Influences鈥,听The Medieval History Journal听12:1 (2009): pp. 77-111.
[8]听Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楥alendario lit煤rgico y usos 谩ulicos en la Corona de Arag贸n bajomedieval鈥,听Studium Medievale: Revista de Cultura visual-cultura escrita听2 (2009): pp. 185-212.
[9]听Francisco M. Gimeno et al. (eds.),听Ordinacions de la Casa i Cort de Pere el Cerimoni贸s听(Valencia: Publicacions de la Universitat de Val猫ncia, 2009), pp. 203-34, attests to the special attention given to the royal chapel and the festivals to be celebrated there.
[10]听Johannes Vincke, 鈥楧as Patronatsrecht der aragonesischen Krone鈥, in听Spanische Forschungen der Goerresgesellschaft: Gesammelte Aufs盲tze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens听12 (1955): pp. 55-95; G眉nther R枚hfleisch, 鈥楧er Ausbau der Pfalzkapelle zu Valencia durch Peter IV von Arag贸n鈥, in听Homenaje a Johannes Vincke听(Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cient铆ficas, 1963), 1: pp. 187-92; Johannes Vincke, 鈥楨l derecho de patronato de la Corona de Arag贸n en el Reino de Valencia鈥, in听Primer Congreso de Historia del Pa铆s Valenciano听(Valencia: Universitat de Val猫ncia, 1980), 2: pp. 837-49.
[11]听Gimeno et al.,听Ordinacions, pp. 206-7; Alberto Torra P茅rez, 鈥楻eyes, santos y reliquias. Aspectos de la sacralidad de monarqu铆a catalano-aragonesa鈥, in听XV Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Arag贸n (Jaca, 1993)听(Zaragoza: Gobierno de Arag贸n, 1996), 1:3, pp. 495-517, esp. pp. 507-10; Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楥alendario lit煤rgico鈥, pp. 193-9.
[12]听On the limits of variability concerning the transmission of models, see Costa-Gomes, 鈥楾he Royal Chapel in Iberia鈥, pp. 87-94.
[13]听Perpignan: Marcel Durliat, 鈥楲es chateaux des Rois de Majorque鈥,听Bol路let铆 de la Societat Arqueol貌gica Lul路liana听41 (1985): pp. 47-56; Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楲e programme architectural: un palais pour vivre et gouverner鈥; and Dany Sandron, 鈥楥hapelles palatines: succ猫s d鈥檜n type architectural (XIIIe-XIVe si猫cles)鈥, in Olivier Passarrius and Aymet Catafau (eds.),听Un palais dans la ville. Le Palais des rois de Majorque 脿 Perpignan听(Perpignan: Trabucaire, 2014), pp. 115-33 and 249-58. Naples: Xavier Barral i Altet 鈥楢lfonso il Magnanimo tra Barcellona e Napoli, e la memoria del Medioevo鈥, in Arturo Carlo Quintavalle (ed.),听Medioevo: immagine e memoria听(Milan: Electa, 2009), pp. 668-74, p. 655, for an explanation of Alfonso鈥檚 choice to maintain the old chapel in the new castle after his conquest of Naples in 1442; Bianca De Divitiis, 鈥楥astel Nuovo and Castel Capuano in Naples: The Transformation of Two Medieval Castles into 鈥补濒濒鈥檃苍迟颈肠补鈥 Residences for the Aragonese Royals鈥,听Zeitschrift f眉r Kunstgeschichte听76 (2013): pp. 441-74, here pp. 448, 459-61, for some fifteenth-century descriptions of the chapel and its decor.
[14]听William Tronzo,听The Cultures of his Kingdom: Roger II and the Cappella Palatina in Palermo (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Marco Rosario Nobile, 鈥楾he Residences of the Kings of Sicily, from Martin of Arag贸n to Ferdinand the Catholic鈥, in Silvia Beltramo et al. (eds.),听A Renaissance Architecture of Power. Princely Palaces in the Italian Quattrocento听(Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2015), pp. 354-78.
[15]听Miguel Sobrino Gonz谩lez, 鈥楤arcelona. Las razones de una catedral singular鈥,听Goya听307-308 (2005): pp. 197-214; Miguel Sobrino Gonz谩lez, 鈥楶alacios catedralicios, catedrales palatinas鈥,听Anales de Historia del Arte听23, n煤m. ext. 2 (2013): pp. 551-67, in particular, pp. 554-64.
[16]听Costa-Gomes, 鈥楾he Royal Chapel in Iberia鈥, pp. 78-87; Jos茅 Manuel Nieto Soria, 鈥楲os espacios de las ceremonias devocionales y lit煤rgicas de la monarqu铆a Trast谩mara鈥,听Anales de Historia del Arte听23, n煤m. ext. 2 (2013): pp. 243-58; Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre,听Arte y monarqu铆a en Navarra, 1328-1425听(Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 1987);听 Mar铆a Narbona C谩rceles, 鈥楲a Capilla de los Reyes de Navarra (1387-1425): espacio de espiritualidad y de cultura en el medio cortesano鈥, in Carmen Erro Gasca and 脥帽igo Mugueta Moreno (eds.),听Grupos sociales en la historia de Navarra, relaciones y derechos. Actas del V Congreso de Historia de Navarra听(Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 2002), 1: pp. 119-32.
[17]听Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楢rtistas y obras entre la Corona de Arag贸n y el reino de Francia鈥, in Mar铆a Concepci贸n Cosmen et al. (eds.),听El intercambio art铆stico entre los reinos hispanos y las cortes europeas en la Baja Edad Media听(Le贸n: Universidad de Le贸n 2009), pp. 253-94, esp. pp. 267-79.
[18]听Anna Maria Adroer i Tasis, 鈥楢lgunes notes sobre la capella del Palau Major de Barcelona鈥,听Anuario de Estudios Medievales听19 (1989): pp. 385-97; Torra P茅rez, 鈥楻eyes, santos y reliquias鈥, pp. 508-11; Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楲a Santa Capella del rei Mart铆 I l鈥楬um脿 i el seu context鈥,听Lambard. Estudis d鈥榓rt medieval听21 (2009-2010): pp. 27-52, here pp. 42-52.
[19]听Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楢rtistas y obras鈥, p. 279; Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楲a Santa Capella鈥, p. 44.
[20]听Claudine Billot,听Les Saintes Chapelles royales et princi猫res听(Paris: 脡ditions du Patrimoine, 1998); Laurent Vissi茅re, 鈥楲鈥榚rection des Saintes-Chapelles (XIVe-XVe si猫cles)鈥, in 脡lisabeth Crouzet-Pavan and Jean-Claude Maire Vigueur (eds.),听L鈥榓rt au service du prince. Paradigme italien, exp茅riences europ茅ennes (vers 1250-vers 1500)听(Rome: Viella 2015), pp. 116-29, esp. pp. 137-9.
[21]听David Nogales Rinc贸n, 鈥楲as capillas y capellan铆as reales castellano-leonesas en la baja Edad Media (siglos XIII-XV): algunas precisiones institucionales鈥,听Anuario de Estudios Medievales听35:2 (2005): pp. 737-66, esp. pp. 738-48; David Nogales Rinc贸n, 鈥楻ey, sepulcro y catedral. Patrones ideol贸gicos y creaci贸n art铆stica en torno al pante贸n regio en la Corona de Castilla (1230-1516)鈥, in Maria Dolores Teijeira et al. (eds.),听Reyes y prelados. La creaci贸n art铆stica en los reinos de Le贸n y Castilla (1050-1500)听(Madrid: S铆lex, 2014), pp. 257-82.
[22]听Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楥alendario lit煤rgico鈥, pp. 189-93; Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楩ormas art铆sticas y espiritualidad. El horizonte franciscano del c铆rculo familiar de Jaime II y sus ecos funerarios鈥, in Isabel Beceiro Pita (ed.),听Poder, piedad y devoci贸n: Castilla y su entorno (siglos XII-XV)听(Madrid: S铆lex, 2014), pp. 389-422.
[23]听Fernando Chueca Goitia,听Casas reales en monasterios y conventos espa帽oles听(Madrid, Xarait: 1982).
[24]听Maria Rosa Ter茅s, 鈥楨l Palau del Rei Mart铆 a Poblet: una obra inacabada d鈥楢rnau Bargu茅s i Fran莽oi Salau鈥,听顿鈥楢谤迟听16 (1990): pp. 19-40.
[25]听Amadeo Serra Desfilis and Matilde Miquel Juan, 鈥楲a capilla de San Mart铆n en la Cartuja de Valldecrist: construcci贸n, devoci贸n y magnificencia鈥,听Ars longa听18 (2009): pp. 65-80.
[26]听Jos茅 Mar铆a Madurell Marim贸n,听Mensajeros barceloneses en la Corte de N谩poles de Alfonso V de Arag贸n (1435-1458)听(Barcelona: Escuela de Estudios Medievales, 1963), pp. 429-30, cited by Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran,听Els escenaris del rei: art i monarquia a la Corona d鈥橝rag贸听(Manresa: Fundaci贸 Caixa Manresa, 2001), p. 269.
[27]听Espa帽ol Bertran,听Els escenaris, p. 114.
[28]听Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楥alendario lit煤rgico鈥, p. 189.
[29]听Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楥alendario lit煤rgico鈥, p. 195.
[30]听Serra Desfilis, Miquel Juan, 鈥楲a capilla de San Mart铆n鈥, p. 69; Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楲a Santa Capella鈥, pp. 29-30 (Poblet) and 33 (Valldecrist). Espa帽ol Bertran connects this royal gallery to the main church instead of to the Chapel of Saint Martin.
[31]听Francesc Eiximenis,听Scala Dei. Devocionari de la reina Maria听(Barcelona: Publicacions de l鈥橝badia de Montserrat, 1985), p. 9: see Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楨l salterio y libro de horas鈥, p. 105n96.
[32]听Albert G. Hauf,听D鈥橢iximenis a sor Isabel de Villena: aportaci贸 a l鈥檈studi de la nostra cultura medieval听(Val猫ncia-Barcelona: Universitat de Val猫ncia-Abadia de Montserrat, 1990), pp. 219-300; N煤ria Silleras-Fern谩ndez,听Power, Piety and Patronage in Late Medieval Queenship: Mar铆a de Luna听(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 139-60; Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楥alendario lit煤rgico鈥, p. 189.
[33]听Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楨l tesoro sagrado de los reyes en la Corona de Arag贸n鈥, in听Maravillas de la Espa帽a medieval. Tesoro sagrado y monarqu铆a听(Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Le贸n, 2001), p. 273.
[34]听Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楲a Santa Capella鈥, pp. 27-52.
[35]听Torra P茅rez, 鈥楻eyes, santos y reliquias鈥, p. 516.
[36]听Alan Ryder,听Alfonso the Magnanimous, King of Aragon, Naples and Siclily, 1396-1458听(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), pp. 45-174; Rafael Narbona Vizca铆no, 鈥楢lfonso el Magn谩nimo, Valencia y el oficio de Racional鈥, in Giovanni d鈥橝gostino (ed.),听XVI Congresso di Storia della Corona d鈥橝ragona: La Corona d鈥橝ragona ai tempi di Alfonso il Magnanimo听(Naples: Paparo Edizioni, 2001), 1: pp. 593-617; Juan Vicente Garc铆a Marsilla, 鈥楢valando al rey: Pr茅stamos a la Corona y finanzas municipales en la Valencia del siglo XV鈥, in Manuel S谩nchez Mart铆nez and Denis Menjot (eds.),听Fiscalidad de Estado y fiscalidad municipal en los reinos hisp谩nicos medievales听(Madrid: Casa de Vel谩zquez, 2006), pp. 377-90.
[37]听Salvador Carreres Zacar茅s,听Ensayo de una bibliograf铆a de libros de fiestas celebradas en Valencia y su antiguo Reino听(Valencia: Vives Mora, 1925), 1: pp. 66-9; 2: pp. 96-109. For the Palau del Real, see Mercedes G贸mez-Ferrer, 鈥楲a reforma del Real Vell de Valencia en 茅poca de Alfonso el Magn谩nimo鈥,听Lexicon: Storie e architettura in Sicilia听8 (2009): pp. 7-22.
[38]听Juan Vicente Garc铆a Marsilla, 鈥楨l poder visible: demanda y funciones del arte en la corte de Alfonso el Magn谩nimo鈥,听Ars longa听7-8 (1996-1997): pp. 33-47; Juan Vicente Garc铆a Marsilla,听Art i societat a la Val猫ncia medieval听(Catarroja: Afers, 2011), pp. 239-72.
[39]听Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楨l tesoro sagrado鈥, p. 280; Torra P茅rez, 鈥楻eyes, santos y reliquias鈥, p. 516.
[40]听Caroline Bruzelius,听Preaching, Building and Burying. Friars in the Medieval City听(New Haven-London: Yale University Press, 2014), pp. 124 and 129.
[41]听Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n, 鈥楲a Capilla Real del antiguo Monasterio de Predicadores de Valencia鈥, in Tolosa Robledo et al.,听La Capella Reial I: Estudis, pp. 14-59; Pablo Navarro Camallonga and Enrique Rabasa D铆az, 鈥楲a b贸veda de la capilla real del antiguo convento de Santo Domingo de Valencia. Hip贸tesis de trazas de canter铆a con la aproximaci贸n al arco鈥, in Enrique Rabasa D铆az et al. (eds.),听Obra Congrua听(Madrid: Instituto Juan de Herrera, 2017), pp. 253-64.
[42]听Zo毛 Opacic,听Diamond Vaults.听Innovation and Geometry in Medieval Architecture听(London: Architectural Association, 2005), p. 10.
[43]听Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n, 鈥楥uando la arista gobierna el aparejo: b贸vedas aristadas鈥, in Amadeo Serra Desfilis (ed.),听Arquitectura en construcci贸n en Europa en 茅poca medieval y moderna听(Valencia: Universitat de Val猫ncia, 2010), pp. 187-224.
[44]听Jos茅 Luis Jim茅nez Salvador and Ferran Arasa i Gil, 鈥楶rocesos de expolio y reutilizaci贸n de la arquitectura p煤blica romana en el territorio valenciano鈥, in Luis Arciniega Garc铆a and Amadeo Serra Desfilis,听Recepci贸n, imagen y memoria del arte del pasado听(Valencia: Universitat de Val猫ncia, 2018), pp. 47-69.
[45]听Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n, 鈥楲a Capilla Real鈥, pp. 34-43; Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre, 鈥業magen e identidad en la arquitectura medieval hispana: carisma, filiaci贸n, origen, dedicaci贸n鈥,听Codex Aquilarensis听31 (2015): pp. 121-50, esp. pp. 124-6.
[46]听Robert I. Burns,听The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia听(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967), 1: pp. 204-7.
[47]听For the sources, see Luisa Tolosa Robledo, Mar铆a Carmen Vedre帽o Alba,听La Capella Reial d鈥橝lfons el Magn脿nim de l鈥檃ntic monestir de Predicadors de Val猫ncia II:听Documents听(Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1996).
[48]听Archivo del Reino de Valencia, Bail铆a, 谩pocas, microfilm 1629, fol. 338, 30 October 1443, as mentioned by Luisa Tolosa Robledo and Mar铆a Carmen Vedre帽o Alba, 鈥楲a Capella del Rei Alfons el Magn脿nim al Monestir de Sant Dom猫nech de Val猫ncia鈥, in听La Capella Reial I: Estudis, p. 63.
[49]听Trait茅 sur l鈥檕raison mentale, Brussels, manuscript 9092, fol. 9r, miniature by Jean Le Tavernier, 1454, Biblioth猫que Royale Albert Ier.
[50]听Francesca Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楨ncuadres arquitect贸nicos para la muerte: de lo ornamental a lo representativo. Una aproximaci贸n a los proyectos funerarios del tardog贸tico hispano鈥,听Codex Aqularensis听31 (2015): pp. 93-119.
[51]听Daniel Benito Goerlich,听El Real Monasterio de la Sant铆sima Trinidad de Valencia听(Valencia: Consell Valenci脿 de Cultura, 1998), pp. 53-7.
[52]听Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n, 鈥楲a Capilla Real鈥, pp. 44-7. George E. Street,听Some Account of Gothic Architecture in Spain听(London: J. Murray, 1865), p. 286, George E. Street had heard of it but could not visit the chapel.
[53]听Psalter and Hours, Dominican use, known as the Prayerbook of Alfonso V of Arag贸n, manuscript Add MS 28962, British Library,听http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Add_MS_28962.
[54]听Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楨l salterio y libro de horas鈥, pp. 104-7.
[55]听Antonio Beccadelli, 鈥楧e dictis et factis Alphonsi regis Arag贸num鈥,听MS 445, fols. 77r-79r, Biblioteca Hist貌rica de la Universitat de Val猫ncia, with particular mention of the ceremony on Maundy Thursday; see also Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楨l salterio y libro de horas鈥, p. 94; Planas Badenas, 鈥楨l Salterio-Libro de Horas鈥, pp. 214-32.
[56]听Philip Dayleader,听Saint Vincent Ferrer. His World and Life: Religion and Society in Late Medieval Europe听(London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); Diana Luc铆a G贸mez-Chac贸n, 鈥楻einas y predicadores: el Monasterio de Santa Mar铆a la Real de Nieva en tiempos de Catalina de Lancaster y Mar铆a de Arag贸n (1390-1445)鈥, in Teijeira et al. (eds.),听Reyes y prelados,听pp. 325-40; G贸mez-Chac贸n, 鈥楢rte y reforma dominicana en el siglo XV: Nuevas perspectivas de estudio鈥,听Erasmo. Revista de historia bajomedieval y moderna听4 (2017): pp. 87-106. For observance during the fifteenth century, see Emilio Callado Estela and Alfonso Esponera Cerd谩n, 鈥1239-1835: Cr贸nica del Real Convento de Predicadores de Valencia鈥, in听El Palau de la Saviesa. El Reial Convent de Predicadors de Val猫ncia i la Biblioteca Universit脿ria听(Valencia: Universitat de Val猫ncia, 2005), p. 133.
[57]听MS 726, Biblioteca Hist貌rica de la Universitat de Val猫ncia. Amparo Villalba D谩valos,听La miniatura valenciana en los siglos XIV y XV听(Valencia: Alfonso el Magn谩nimo, 1964), pp. 91-3, 142-5, 233-4, 237-40; Josefina Planas Badenas, 鈥楲os c贸dices ilustrados de Francesc Eiximenis: an谩lisis de su iconograf铆a鈥,听Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teor铆a del Arte听9-10 (1997-1998): pp. 73-90, esp. pp. 77-8.
[58]听Francesc Eiximenis,听Psalterium alias Laudatorium, (ed.) Curt J. Wittlin (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988); Albert G. Hauf i Valls, 鈥楨l 鈥淧salterium alias Laudatorium鈥 i la 鈥淰ita Christi鈥 de Francesc Eiximenis, obres complement脿ries?鈥, in听Miscel路l脿nia Joan Bastardas, vol. 1,听Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes听XVIII (Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat, 1989), pp. 205-29.
[59]听Tolosa Robledo, Vedre帽o Alba, 鈥楲a Capella del Rei鈥, pp. 62-3.
[60]听Ryder,听Alfonso the Magnanimous, pp. 114 and 117.
[61]听Peregr铆n-Luis Llorens Raga,听Relicario de la catedral de Valencia听(Valencia: Alfonso el Magn谩nimo, 1964); Miguel Navarro Sorni, 鈥楶ignora sanctorum. En torno a las reliquias, su culto y las funciones del mismo鈥, in Joan J. Gavara (ed.),听Reliquias y relicarios en la expansi贸n mediterr谩nea de la Corona de Arag贸n. El Tesoro de la Catedral de Valencia (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1998), pp. 95-133; Catalina Mart铆n Lloris, 鈥楲as reliquias de la Capilla Real en la Corona de Arag贸n y el Santo C谩liz de la Catedral de Valencia (1396-1458)鈥 (PhD diss., Universitat de Val猫ncia, 2004).
[62]听Amadeo Serra Desfilis, 鈥樷淐ort e Palau de Rey鈥. The Real Palace of Valencia in the Medieval Epoch鈥,听Imago Temporis.听Medium Aevum听1 (2007): pp. 121-48, here p. 137.
[63]听Jos茅 Sanchis Sivera, 鈥楲a escultura valenciana en la Edad Media鈥,听Archivo de Arte Valenciano听10 (1924): 16-17; Luis Fullana Mira, 鈥楨l Palau del Real鈥,听Cultura Valenciana听2 (1927): 153-6; Garc铆a Marsilla,听Art i societat,听p. 252.
[64]听Pierre-Yves Le Pogam, 鈥楾he Hagioscope in the Princely Chapels in France from the Thirteenth to the Fifteenth Century鈥, in Jiri Fajt (ed.),听Court Chapels of the High and Late Middle Ages and their Artistic Decoration听(Prague: National Gallery of Prague, 2003), pp. 171-8.
[65]听Arturo Zaragoz谩 Catal谩n, 鈥楻eal Monasterio de la Trinidad鈥, in Joaqu铆n B茅rchez (ed.),听Valencia, arquitectura religiosa听(Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1995), p. 144; Benito Goerlich,听El Real Monasterio, p. 89.
[66]听Archivo General Militar, Madrid, B-1-21, Plan of the former Convent of Saint Dominic (1847). This area (number 11 in the plan) had been rebuilt between 1789 and 1800 as part of the new fa莽ade project, whereas Capilla de los Reyes is identified by number 6.
[67]听Torra P茅rez, 鈥楻eyes, santos y reliquias鈥, pp. 510-11; Espa帽ol Bertran, 鈥楥alendario lit煤rgico鈥, p. 210.
[68]听Fullana, 鈥楨l Palau del Real鈥, pp. 153-6; Serra Desfilis, 鈥楾he Real Palace鈥, p. 137.
[69]听Sanchis Sivera, 鈥楲a escultura valenciana鈥, p. 22.
[70]听Peter Kov芒c, 鈥楴otes on the Description of the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris from 1378鈥, in Fajt (ed.),听Court Chapels, pp. 162-70, here, p. 163; Meredith Cohen,听The Sainte-Chapelle and the Construction of Sacral Monarchy听(Cambridge-New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 159-64
[71]听For Vincennes, see Odette Chapelot et al., 鈥楿n chantier et son ma卯tre d鈥檕euvre: Raymond du Temple et la Sainte-Chapelle de Vincennes鈥, in Odette Chapelot (ed.),听Du projet au chantier.听Ma卯tres d鈥檕uvrage et ma卯tres d鈥檕euvre aux XIVe-XVIe si猫cles听(Paris: 脡cole des Hautes 脡tudes en Sciences Sociales, 2001), pp. 433-88. For its relationship with the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris and successive imitations in Aachen and Westminster, see Dany Sandron, 鈥楲a culture des architectes de la fin du Moyen 脗ge. 脌 propos de Raymond du Temple 脿 la Sainte-Chapelle de Vincennes鈥,听Comptes rendus des s茅ances de l鈥橝cad茅mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres听150: 2 (2006): pp. 1255-79, esp. pp. 1260-79. Connections between decorative sculpture in late fourteenth-century France and the Crown of Aragon have been observed by Maria Rosa Ter茅s in 鈥楲a escultura del G贸tico Internacional en la Corona de Arag贸n: los primeros a帽os (ca. 1400-1416)鈥,听Artigrama听26 (2011): pp. 147-81.
[72]听Garc铆a Marsilla, 鈥楨l poder visible鈥, pp. 39-40; first mentioned in the sources in 1426: Rafael Beltr谩n Llavador, 鈥楲os or铆genes del Grial en las leyendas art煤ricas. Interpretaciones cristianas y visiones simb贸licas鈥,听Tirant: Butllet铆 informatiu i bibliogr脿fic听11 (2008): pp. 19-54.
[73]听Francesc Ruiz i Quesada, 鈥楨ls primers Trast脿mares. La legitimaci贸 mariana d鈥檜n llinatge鈥, in Maria Rosa Ter茅s (ed.),听Capitula facta et fermata.听Inquietuds art铆stiques en el Quatre-cents听(Valls: Cosset脿nia, 2011), pp. 71-112, esp. pp. 99-101.
[74]听For an eighteenth-century description of the old altarpiece, displaced and moved to the chapter house, see Jos茅 Teixidor,听Capillas y sepulturas del Real Convento de Predicadores de Valencia听(Valencia: Acci贸n Bibliogr谩fica Valenciana, 1949) 2: pp. 418 and 424.
[75]听Rafael Narbona Vizca铆no,听Memorias de la Ciudad. Ceremonias, creencias y costumbres en la historia de Valencia听(Valencia: Ayuntamiento de Valencia, 2003), pp. 69-100.
[76]听Beltr谩n Llavador, 鈥楲os or铆genes del Grial鈥, pp. 44-6.
[77]听Joan Molina Figueras, 鈥楿n trono in fiamme per il re. La metamorfosi cavalleresca di Alfonso il Magnanimo鈥,听Rassegna storica salernitana,听28: 56 (2011): pp. 11-44, here pp. 28-30.
[78]听Andrea Longhi, 鈥楶alaces and Palatine Chapels in 15th-Century Italian Dukedoms: Ideas and Experiences鈥, Beltramo et al. (eds.),听A Renaissance Architecture of Power, pp. 82-104.
DOI: 10.33999/2019.49